(12.5 million, 2005), Karachi (Pakistan) (11.8
million, 2005), Istanbul (Turkey) (9.8 million,
2005), and Tehran (Iran) (8.6 million, 2005).
See also architectUre; bazaar; camel; cem-
etery; colonialism; hoUses; madrasa.
Further reading: Albert Hourani, A History of the Arab
Peoples (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1991), 109–146; F. E. Peters, Jerusalem and Mecca: The
Typology of the Holy City in the East (New York: New York
University Press, 1986); Shams al-Din al-Muqaddasi (al-
Maqdisi), The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions,
trans. Basil A. Collins (Reading, U.K.: Garnet, 2001);
Paul Wheatley, The Places Where Men Pray Together: Cit-
ies in Islamic Lands, Seventh through the Tenth Centuries
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001)
citizenship
The idea that identity is inextricably linked with a
given territory or land develops with the appear-
ance of the modern nation-state of 17th-century
Europe. Being French or Spanish, for example,
began to reflect not only a certain lineage or a
set of cultural habits, but most importantly the
simple fact of having been born in a given geo-
graphic space. As the model of the modern state
spread to other parts of the world through Euro-
pean colonization of parts of Africa, Asia, and the
entire Western hemisphere, traditional identities
and affiliations began to change. This is especially
true in lands where the majority of inhabitants
were Muslim. In fact, the effects of changing
identities and affiliations in the Muslim lands
brought by colonialism are still felt today, as seen
in the transnational composition of many Islamist
movements. Central to these changes is the idea of
citizenship, or the bestowal of an official national
identity on an individual by a government.
Prior to the postcolonial states found in many
parts of the Muslim world, identity hinged on
kinship relations and the idea of the umma, or the
community of Muslims. For the majority Sunni
Muslims, after mUhammad’s death in 632 a caliph
led the community, at least symbolically, until the
office’s abolition in 1924. Regardless of where an
individual is born or what language they speak,
as long as they are born as a Muslim or convert
to Islam they are part of the umma. Historically,
in most cases only members of the umma were
subject to Islamic law, even if non-Muslims—or
dhimmis—lived in areas ruled by Muslim lead-
ers. Otherwise, non-Muslims, and particularly
Jews, Christians, and in some cases Hindus, lived
according to their own legal traditions. Although
a territorial element can be found in the Islamic
legal designations dar al-Islam (abode of Islam)
and dar al-harb (abode of war), these came into
effect only when Muslims came into contact with
large non-Muslim populations, such as occurred
through conquest or trade. Individual identity,
however, depended on one’s religious affiliation.
As bounded political territories, modern states
of the Muslim world in general and, more par-
ticularly, the idea of citizenship, changed not only
local political organization but also grounds for
legal aUthority and for individual identity.
See also dar al-islam and dar al-harb; laW,
international.
Caleb ElfenbeinFurther reading: Benedict Anderson, Imagined Commu-
nities (New York: Verso, 1991); John L. Esposito, Islam:
The Straight Path (New York: Oxford University Press,
1998); Albert Hourani, A History of the Arab Peoples
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991).civil society
Civil society is located between the intimate-pri-
vate spheres of familial life and the various organs
of the state: administrative, legislative, judicial,
and economic. In large measure, it is beholden
to those selfsame institutions, for the state serves
to “frame” or structure social relations outside
its immediate purview (for example, through the
legal system). The nature, complexity, and differ-
entiation of power relations, nodes, and networksK 152 citizenship