The Economist July 10th 2021 Leaders 15
O
ne intriguingquestionaboutChinaiswhetherit cancom
bine thuggish, autocratic politics with the predictablerules
and property rights that entrepreneurs and capitalmarketsneed
to thrive. The government’s recent attack on DidiGlobal,a Chi
nese ridehailing firm that has just listed its sharesinNewYork,
suggests not. It is a warning to investors around theworld—and
to anyone hoping to make their fortune by settingupinChina.
Didi is one of China’s superstar firms, with 493musers(more
than Uber), 15m drivers and a presence in BrazilandMexico.It
listed its shares on June 30th, raising cash from globalinvestors
and valuing the firm at $68bn. Its prospectus contained 60 pages
of “risk factors”, including a regulatory crackdown,thatmostin
vestors snoozed over. But almost immediately
one of them turned up.
It seems that Didi had pursued the listing
against the wishes of the Cyberspace Adminis
tration of China. On July 4th the regulator
struck back, saying that Didi had violated rules
on collecting personal data, and banned it from
mobile app stores in China. That sent Didi’s
share price tumbling by over 20%. Marco Ru
bio, a hawkish American senator, said that it was “reckless” to al
low Didi to float in New York.
China’s tech industry has been one of the most dynamic areas
of the global economy in the past decade. Hundreds of large
startups have yet to follow giants such as Alibaba, Tencent and
Didi by listing their shares. The intersection of ecommerce,
payments and “superapps” means that most daily transactions
in China can take place on a smartphone. Global capital and tal
ent have been critical to the industry’s rise. Didi has big foreign
shareholders, including SoftBank and Uber, and owns a stake in
Grab, a SouthEast Asian rival. Many of its top brass were educat
ed at Western universities and have worked at American firms.
AlmostallthelargestChinesetechfirmsarelistedinAmericaor
HongKongratherthanthemainland.Theyhavecosmopolitan
executivesandbenefitfroma flowofideasacrossborders.
ThecrackdownbeganlastyearwhenChineseregulatorscan
celledthe$300bnflotation ofAntGroup inHongKongand
Shanghaiatthelastminute.Thegovernmentwentontothreat
enothertechfirmsandtohumbletycoons,notleastJackMa,the
cofounderofAlibabaandfounderofAnt.
Allgovernmentsworryaboutdataprivacyandmonopolies,
butChina’sinterventionssignala systematicattackontechby
theparty.OnJuly7thBloombergreportedthatChinamightre
examinetheuseof“variableinterestentities”,a legalstructure
thatunderpinsalmostallforeigninvestmentin
Chinesetech.Themessageisclear:powerful
techfirmsmustdefertotheCommunistParty,
their bosses should keep quiet and foreign
owners’propertyrightscanbeviolated.
Anoptimisticviewisthatthecrackdownis
politicaltheatre.Globalfirmshaveoftenbeen
burnedinChinaonlytorecover.SouthKorean
and Japanese companies have faced boycotts
and protests that later faded away. China’s government shuns
foreign banks for a while, to punish them for perceived errors,
but eventually welcomes them back.
This time may be different. Foreign investors have lost hun
dreds of billions of dollars, which may permanently alter the
supply of global capital to China. To fill that hole, Chinese firms
will depend on less sophisticated mainland markets. Once again
entrepreneurs and investors must weigh and reweigh the vast
rewards of China’s markets against the risks of its opaque laws,
bullying officials and paranoid rulers. If you were riskhungry,
unorthodox and keen to start a businessthatbreaks the mould,
would you still choose to do so in China?n
The attack on Didi showshowhigha pricetheCommunistPartyputsoncontrol
Didi Global’s share price
July 2021, $
18
14
10
st 2nd 6th 7th
Hit and run
Chinese capitalism
T
o be mayorof New York City is no easy task. Bill de Blasio,
the departing incumbent, was once a progressive darling.
However, his unique political talents—a penchant for self
aggrandisement and a smug disdain for dealing with the city’s
problems—along with constant bickering with the governor,
rendered Mr de Blasio ineffectual and widely loathed. He will
soon be limping out of Gracie Mansion, leaving behind some
daunting problems for his successor. Economic growth is
choked by regulation and insufficient housebuilding. There
has been a dramatic increase in shootings and homicides. Were
it not for a timely federal bailout, the city would be facing se
vere cuts to its budget.
The man New Yorkers will choose to pick up these pieces is
Eric Adams, a black, vegan, expolice captain from Brooklyn. In a
crowded field, Mr Adams narrowly won the Democratic primary
with support from a broad coalition of nonwhite, nonManhat
tanites. As with President Joe Biden, his supporters were the
working class, the elderly and minorities. He promises to be
mayor for the Bronx and Brooklyn, not the Upper West Side.
His victory in the primary election, and almost guaranteed
triumph in the general one to come, is a rebuke to the progres
sive zeal that has overtaken America’s largest cities since racial
justice protests began more than a year ago. This is a growing
movement that is almost contemptuous of the industries that
generate urban prosperity. It sees specialised schooling for gift
ed pupils as oppressive; it interprets pathological housing mar
Eric Adams brings sanity to the effort to turn New York City around
New cop on the beat
The mayor of New York