26 United States The Economist July 10th 2021
are  inherently  responsible  for  actions
committed  in  the  past”.  In  May,  Idaho’s
Lieutenant  Governor  assembled  a  task
force “to protect our young people from the
scourge  of  critical  race  theory,  socialism,
communism, and Marxism”.
It  is  unclear  how  widely  the  theory,  as
described  by  either  liberals  or  conserva
tives,  is  being  taught  in  classrooms.  Ac
cording to the Heritage Foundation, anoth
er  conservative  thinktank,  43%  of  teach
ers are familiar with crt, and only 30% of
that group view it favourably (about one in
ten  overall).  Even  so,  the  National  Educa
tion  Association  (nea),  America’s  largest
labour union, recently issued a statement
embracing crt.
This contest over how to tell the nation
al  story  may  seem  new,  but  it  is  part  of  a
centuryold  fight.  The  battle  began  once
schooling became compulsory in all states
in 1918. In the 1920s David Muzzey, a histo
rian, was branded a traitor for his textbook
“An  American  History”,  which,  according
to critics, undermined the American spirit
with proBritish distortions of the revolu
tion and the war of 1812. According to Gary
Nash, a historian, an opponent of Muzzey’s
text claimed that American children would
now  sing  “God  Save  the  King”  instead  of
“Yankee Doodle Dandy” after reading it. At
tempts to ban the book were unsuccessful:
it sold millions of copies.Choose your own textbook
Other controversies followed. In the 1930s,
Harold  Rugg,  an  education  professor,  was
accused  of  “Sovietising  our  children”  by
conservatives,  who  claimed  that  his  text
book  focused  on  American  social  ills  and
propagated  Marxism.  The  McCarthy  era
spurred  investigations  into  teachers  la
belled as Communist sympathisers. In the
1970s textbook wars led to violence in West
Virginia, where protesters bombed schools
and  injured  journalists  over  books  with
controversial multicultural content. Liber
als  have  also  attempted  to  censor  materi
als. In the 1980s E.D. Hirsch, a literary critic
and professor, published a list of common
knowledge for American children that be
came  a  New York Timesbestseller.  Liberal
critics  accused  Mr  Hirsch  of  prioritising
the achievements of white men and West
ern European perspectives. 
Perhaps  the  most  analogous  fight,
though, was in the 1990s over voluntary na
tional history standards. The optional cur
riculum,  originally  conceived  under  the
George H.W. Bush administration and con
tinued under Bill Clinton, was lampooned
by  conservatives.  Lynne  Cheney,  the  wife
of former VicePresident Dick Cheney, who
was  running  for  president,  declared  her
opposition  in  an  oped  in  the  Wall Street
Journal  entitled  “The  End  of  History”.  Mrs
Cheney accused the standards of “political
correctness”  and  lamented  the  lack  ofwhite  malerepresentationinthecurricu
lum:  UlyssesS.Granthadonlyonemen
tion  and  RobertE.Leehadnone,against
Harriet Tubman’ssix.TheSenatepasseda
resolutiontocondemnthevoluntarystan
dards, killingthecurriculum.
“Theseattacksarealwaysconnectedto
what’s  goingoninpoliticsatthattime,”
says  Mr  Nash,whohelpedcreatethevo
luntary  national standards. The Under
standing  AmericaStudy,a nationallyrep
resentative survey by the University of
Southern California,foundthatAmericans
are unitedontheimportanceofcivicsedu
cation for children.Withlittlepartisandis
agreement,a majorityofparentsagreethat
it  is  importantforchildrentolearnhow
the  government works(85%) andabout
voting requirements(79%).
But  political differencesemerge over
who shouldappearprominentlyinhistory
lessons.  Parentalopiniondivergesonthe
importanceoflearningaboutwomen(87%
of  Democraticparentsfavourthisversus
66%  of  Republican parents) and non
whites  (83% versus60%). The divide is
greater ondiscussionsofinequality.A ma
jority of Democraticparentssaidit wasim
portant  forpupilstolearnaboutracism
(88%)  andincomeinequality(84%)com
pared  with lessthanhalf ofRepublican
parents (45%and37%respectively).
Conservativestendtoarguethatpupils
should  learnoneunified,optimisticver
sion of Americanhistory,andthatlearning
about  specificgroupsisdivisive.“Critical
race theoryisdestructivebecauseitadvo
cates for racialdiscriminationthroughaf
finity groupings,racialguiltbasedonyour
ethnicity  notyourbehaviour,andrejects
the fundamentalideasonwhichourfree
dom is based,”explainsMattBeienburgof
the GoldwaterInstitute.Meanwhile,liber
als are opentoa morefragmented,lessflat
tering versionofthecountry’spast.
It is thisviewwhichseemstobegaining
ground. HowardZinn’s“APeople’sHistory
of  the  UnitedStates”(toldfromtheper
spective ofwomenandracialminorities)is
also groupedunderthecriticalracetheo
ry debate bytheGoldwaterInstitute:ithas
sold 2m copiessince1980.The 1619 Project
is  taught  inmanyschooldistrictsinclud
ing  Chicago.Accordingtothenea, nine
states  andtheDistrictofColumbiahave
laws  or  policiesestablishingmulticultur
alhistoryorethnicstudiescurriculums.
Greg  Lukianoff,presidentoftheFoun
dation forIndividualRightsinEducation,
a  nonprofit organisation, urges liberal
Americanstotakeconservativeconcerns
seriously,orpotentiallyfacea “terrifying”
boost of farrightnationalism.“Itisgoing
to  get  moreintenseaspolarisation gets
worse  andastrustgoesdown,”hesays.If
each successivehistorywargrowsmorein
tense, he adds,“Wheredoweendupinten
to 20 years?”nNewYork’snextmayorAdams’s Apple
“S
ome peopletalk about police brutali
ty.  I  want  to  tell  you  how  it  is  to  live
through  it.”  So  begins  the  video  that
launched Eric Adams’s mayoral campaign.
In the clip he stands outside the police sta
tion in Queens where, when he was 15, po
lice beat him and his brother. Despite this
experience, or maybe because of it, he later
joined the police force, eventually becom
ing both a police captain and a prominent
internal critic of racism and brutality at the
nypd. In his campaign he blended a call to
reform  the  police  with  respect  for  the
badge and a pledge to crack down on crime,
and on July 6th, two weeks after the Demo
cratic primary, he was named the projected
winner.  That  almost  certainly  makes  him
the next mayor, since Democrats outnum
ber  Republicans  in  New  York’s  electorate
by seven to one.
In  the  city’s  first  election  by  ranked
choice voting, the two candidates that rose
to the top of a crowded field were both rela
tive  centrists.  Mr  Adams,  who  also  served
as a state lawmaker and Brooklyn borough
president,  won  by  just  8,426  votes,  or  1%,
over  Kathryn  Garcia,  a  wellregarded  bu
reaucrat.  His  emphasis  on  fighting  crime
clearly  gave  him  an  edge.  While  progres
sive  candidates  called  for  cutting  police
funding, Mr Adams argued that “the prere
quisite for prosperity is public safety.” That
message  resonated  as  shootings  last  year
nearly  doubled  from  2019  and  violent
crime escalated even in wellpoliced areas
like  Times  Square.  According  to  one  poll
New  Yorkers  listed  crime  among  theirN EW YORK
Eric Adams has a practical streak that
ought to serve the city wellThe joy of ranked-choice