26 United States The Economist July 10th 2021
are inherently responsible for actions
committed in the past”. In May, Idaho’s
Lieutenant Governor assembled a task
force “to protect our young people from the
scourge of critical race theory, socialism,
communism, and Marxism”.
It is unclear how widely the theory, as
described by either liberals or conserva
tives, is being taught in classrooms. Ac
cording to the Heritage Foundation, anoth
er conservative thinktank, 43% of teach
ers are familiar with crt, and only 30% of
that group view it favourably (about one in
ten overall). Even so, the National Educa
tion Association (nea), America’s largest
labour union, recently issued a statement
embracing crt.
This contest over how to tell the nation
al story may seem new, but it is part of a
centuryold fight. The battle began once
schooling became compulsory in all states
in 1918. In the 1920s David Muzzey, a histo
rian, was branded a traitor for his textbook
“An American History”, which, according
to critics, undermined the American spirit
with proBritish distortions of the revolu
tion and the war of 1812. According to Gary
Nash, a historian, an opponent of Muzzey’s
text claimed that American children would
now sing “God Save the King” instead of
“Yankee Doodle Dandy” after reading it. At
tempts to ban the book were unsuccessful:
it sold millions of copies.
Choose your own textbook
Other controversies followed. In the 1930s,
Harold Rugg, an education professor, was
accused of “Sovietising our children” by
conservatives, who claimed that his text
book focused on American social ills and
propagated Marxism. The McCarthy era
spurred investigations into teachers la
belled as Communist sympathisers. In the
1970s textbook wars led to violence in West
Virginia, where protesters bombed schools
and injured journalists over books with
controversial multicultural content. Liber
als have also attempted to censor materi
als. In the 1980s E.D. Hirsch, a literary critic
and professor, published a list of common
knowledge for American children that be
came a New York Timesbestseller. Liberal
critics accused Mr Hirsch of prioritising
the achievements of white men and West
ern European perspectives.
Perhaps the most analogous fight,
though, was in the 1990s over voluntary na
tional history standards. The optional cur
riculum, originally conceived under the
George H.W. Bush administration and con
tinued under Bill Clinton, was lampooned
by conservatives. Lynne Cheney, the wife
of former VicePresident Dick Cheney, who
was running for president, declared her
opposition in an oped in the Wall Street
Journal entitled “The End of History”. Mrs
Cheney accused the standards of “political
correctness” and lamented the lack of
white malerepresentationinthecurricu
lum: UlyssesS.Granthadonlyonemen
tion and RobertE.Leehadnone,against
Harriet Tubman’ssix.TheSenatepasseda
resolutiontocondemnthevoluntarystan
dards, killingthecurriculum.
“Theseattacksarealwaysconnectedto
what’s goingoninpoliticsatthattime,”
says Mr Nash,whohelpedcreatethevo
luntary national standards. The Under
standing AmericaStudy,a nationallyrep
resentative survey by the University of
Southern California,foundthatAmericans
are unitedontheimportanceofcivicsedu
cation for children.Withlittlepartisandis
agreement,a majorityofparentsagreethat
it is importantforchildrentolearnhow
the government works(85%) andabout
voting requirements(79%).
But political differencesemerge over
who shouldappearprominentlyinhistory
lessons. Parentalopiniondivergesonthe
importanceoflearningaboutwomen(87%
of Democraticparentsfavourthisversus
66% of Republican parents) and non
whites (83% versus60%). The divide is
greater ondiscussionsofinequality.A ma
jority of Democraticparentssaidit wasim
portant forpupilstolearnaboutracism
(88%) andincomeinequality(84%)com
pared with lessthanhalf ofRepublican
parents (45%and37%respectively).
Conservativestendtoarguethatpupils
should learnoneunified,optimisticver
sion of Americanhistory,andthatlearning
about specificgroupsisdivisive.“Critical
race theoryisdestructivebecauseitadvo
cates for racialdiscriminationthroughaf
finity groupings,racialguiltbasedonyour
ethnicity notyourbehaviour,andrejects
the fundamentalideasonwhichourfree
dom is based,”explainsMattBeienburgof
the GoldwaterInstitute.Meanwhile,liber
als are opentoa morefragmented,lessflat
tering versionofthecountry’spast.
It is thisviewwhichseemstobegaining
ground. HowardZinn’s“APeople’sHistory
of the UnitedStates”(toldfromtheper
spective ofwomenandracialminorities)is
also groupedunderthecriticalracetheo
ry debate bytheGoldwaterInstitute:ithas
sold 2m copiessince1980.The 1619 Project
is taught inmanyschooldistrictsinclud
ing Chicago.Accordingtothenea, nine
states andtheDistrictofColumbiahave
laws or policiesestablishingmulticultur
alhistoryorethnicstudiescurriculums.
Greg Lukianoff,presidentoftheFoun
dation forIndividualRightsinEducation,
a nonprofit organisation, urges liberal
Americanstotakeconservativeconcerns
seriously,orpotentiallyfacea “terrifying”
boost of farrightnationalism.“Itisgoing
to get moreintenseaspolarisation gets
worse andastrustgoesdown,”hesays.If
each successivehistorywargrowsmorein
tense, he adds,“Wheredoweendupinten
to 20 years?”n
NewYork’snextmayor
Adams’s Apple
“S
ome peopletalk about police brutali
ty. I want to tell you how it is to live
through it.” So begins the video that
launched Eric Adams’s mayoral campaign.
In the clip he stands outside the police sta
tion in Queens where, when he was 15, po
lice beat him and his brother. Despite this
experience, or maybe because of it, he later
joined the police force, eventually becom
ing both a police captain and a prominent
internal critic of racism and brutality at the
nypd. In his campaign he blended a call to
reform the police with respect for the
badge and a pledge to crack down on crime,
and on July 6th, two weeks after the Demo
cratic primary, he was named the projected
winner. That almost certainly makes him
the next mayor, since Democrats outnum
ber Republicans in New York’s electorate
by seven to one.
In the city’s first election by ranked
choice voting, the two candidates that rose
to the top of a crowded field were both rela
tive centrists. Mr Adams, who also served
as a state lawmaker and Brooklyn borough
president, won by just 8,426 votes, or 1%,
over Kathryn Garcia, a wellregarded bu
reaucrat. His emphasis on fighting crime
clearly gave him an edge. While progres
sive candidates called for cutting police
funding, Mr Adams argued that “the prere
quisite for prosperity is public safety.” That
message resonated as shootings last year
nearly doubled from 2019 and violent
crime escalated even in wellpoliced areas
like Times Square. According to one poll
New Yorkers listed crime among their
N EW YORK
Eric Adams has a practical streak that
ought to serve the city well
The joy of ranked-choice