42 China The Economist July 10th 2021
miners could not functionwithoutcon
verting their new bitcoinsintoyuan.For
this they used exchangesthathadmoved
offshore after the tradingban,butstilltar
geted Chinese users. Thegovernmentmay
have decided that to ridChinaofcrypto
transactions, “mining hadtogo”,saysBob
by Lee, who cofoundedChina’sfirstcryp
tocurrency exchange (itwasforcedtoshut
in 2017). He now runsBallet,anappthat
lets users manage theirdigitalcurrency.
Another aim may havebeentoreduce
emissions. The Cambridgenumberssug
gest that Chinese miners used around
83 twh of electricity a year,similartoBel
gium’s total power consumption. (Still,
China could have chosento banmining
only in its coalbelchingnorth, saysMr
Lee.) Officials may alsohaveworriedabout
collusion between localgovernmentsand
mining operations, some of which had
been getting subsidiesearmarkedforin
novative bigdata firms.
The central governmentsaiditwanted
to “resolutely preventthetransmissionof
individuallevel riskstobroadersociety”.
That may, in part, havebeena referenceto
the activities of some minesthathadbeen
setting up Ponzilike schemes,promising
big returns to investors.Otherscammers
have been masqueradingascryptocurren
cy traders. Last year over 100 peoplewere
arresting for running twosuchoperations,
PlusToken and WoToken.
To evade the clampdown,bigminers
have sent their machinesoverseas.MrSu,
who also runs a logistics businessthat
transports mining machines, has been
chartering Boeing 747stogetusedonesout
swiftly. Most are going to Russia and
Kazakhstan, which together account for
about 13% of the world’sbitcoinmining.
But there are few datacentresabroadwith
space for lots of new machines,including
in America, the secondbiggest miner.
Building a farm therecostsbetweenfive
and ten times what itdoesinChina,says
Mr Su. That is too muchformostChinese
miners. More than halfoftheircomputers
will stay put for now, hesays.
Some smaller minersarestillfinding
ways to operate. Onesaysheisluckyto
have teamed up withaprivatelyowned
hydropower station thatislothtoforgothe
extra revenue (it risksbeingfinedbythe
grid or booted off it). Whilemeetingyour
correspondent, he struckadealtobuya
farm from a fellow minerfor 5m yuan
($770,000), powered bya plantthatisoff
the grid. If his machinescanfunctionthere
for 15 days, he will haveearnedhisinvest
ment back in bitcoin.
In an abandoned schoolinsouthernSi
chuan, Mr Su has stored10,000machines
from some of his shutteredfarms.Forev
ery day they spend there,unpluggedand
stacked to the ceiling, hesaysthat1myuan
in potential profit is lost.n
Partyhistory
De-Maoification
P
ropagandistshadteeditupas one of
this year’s blockbusters. The film “1921”,
named after the year China’s Communist
Party was born, was intended to grip the
imaginations of young people with the sto
ry of the party’s founding 100 years ago this
month. Mao Zedong would be played by
different actors depending on his age in
the scene depicted. One of them would be
Yan Xujia, a 19yearold pop star who fre
quently appears on reality television. In
midMay the heartthrob’s profile appeared
on promotional posters against an orange
yellow background, suggesting the dawn
of Chinese communism (see picture).
But a few months before the film’s re
lease on July 1st, reports appeared on enter
tainment news sites that Mr Yan had cheat
ed on a girlfriend. He denied this, but dis
believing internet users said he was unfit
to play a character as important and up
standing as Mao. Some directed their ire at
the main producer of “1921”: Tencent Pic
tures, a production house owned by a pri
vately run socialmedia and gaming giant.
They accused it of involvement in a capi
talist conspiracy to smear the party’s most
revered founder. “Mao must be portrayed
as great and glorious. He must not be be
smirched,” read one popular comment.
These posts must have stung officials at
the party’s Publicity Department, which
was closely involved in making the film
(with the help of one of the country’s most
famous directors, Huang Jianxin). Earlier
this year the law had been amended to
make insulting, slandering or infringing
on the memory of national heroes punish
able by up to three years in jail. Never mind
that Mao was a zealous philanderer while
he was married. (Mao’s private physician,
Li Zhisui, provided lurid details of this in
his book “The Private Life of Chairman
Mao”, which was published in 1994 shortly
before Mr Li’s death.) No mention is al
lowed in China of such matters.
The film has not been a sensation. In its
first five days it grossed 300m yuan
($46.3m), one third of the amount earned
in a comparable period by “Fast and Furi
ous 9” (or “F9: The Fast Saga” as it is known
in America) after the Hollywood action
movie was released in China in May. And
audiences noticed that Mr Yan was miss
ing. In one telling scene, Mao is chased
through a forest by his parents, but does
not appear himself. Online articles about
Mr Yan being cut were deleted by censors.
As the party increasingly turns to celeb
rities for help with spreading its message,
their private lives are likely to be subjected
to ever greater scrutiny. Yet the stars know
they have little choice but to play along
with the cultural commissars. At midnight
on July 1st, a message posted on Weibo,
China’s answer to Twitter, by state televi
sion said “We will forever walk with the
party! Best wishes to our great party!” Hun
dreds of popular actors, singers and other
celebrities quickly shared the post. Their
fans followed suit. Within 12 hours, the
message had been forwarded 15m times.
Without celebrities’ support, state me
dia would struggle to strike such a chord.
The Weibo account of People’s Daily, the
party’s main mouthpiece, has about 130m
followers. That is about the same as the
number who follow Xie Na, an actress and
television host. Celebrities’ accounts on
Weibo have more than 21bn followers, al
most twice as many as in 2017, the platform
says. The majority of these fans are 26 or
younger. And they are widely scattered: al
most 90% do not live in the biggest cities.
But the party’s attempts to boost its rat
ings among the celebrities’ armies of ad
mirers are fraught with difficulty. Officials
might give the limelight to one heart
throb, such as Mr Yan, only to find that jeal
ous fans of another idol take umbrage and
try to undermine the reputation of the par
ty’s chosen one. Mr Yan may have been the
victim of such an onslaught. “The film
makers succumbed to pressure from fans
of other actors who went crazy reporting
and exaggerating Yan’s immorality,” says
one Chinese film critic. Mao once said that
Marxists should not be afraidofcriticism
from any quarter. That ispooradvice for
China’s entertainment stars.n
H ONG KONG
The party’s celebrity problem
Yan Xujia, briefly the party’s poster boy