The Economist July 10th 2021 Finance & economics 69
tick in demand from holidaymakers as
theyflyordrivetotheirdestinations,that
wouldpushpricesup,perhapsover$80a
barrel.Themostlikelyoutcomefromthe
row,however,isa compromise.Onepos
sibility isthat theuae and someother
countriesarealloweda temporaryincrease
inoutputandthethornyissueofquotare
visioniskickeddowntheroad.
Evenifadealisstruck,however,the
spatmayportendfurtherdisagreements—
andmorepricevolatility.opec+ members
are using divergent strategies when it
comestotheenergytransitionandtheoil
markets, argues Francesco Martoccia of
Citigroup,abank.Facedwithdwindling
demandinthelongterm,someproducers,
suchastheuae, wanttoboostsupplyand
monetisepetroleumreservesearlier.Oth
ers,suchasSaudiArabia,wanttorestrict
productiontokeeppriceshigh.Suchdivi
sionswillbecomeevenclearerastheshift
towards a greener economy accelerates.
opec’s latesttiffwon’tbeitslast.n
InvestmentinAfrica
Links in the chain
I
n 2016 danielkinuthiastarteda small
business in Kenya making shoe uppers
for the local subsidiary of Bata, a multina
tional footwear company. He was short of
finance and equipment, and his contract
with Bata ended when covid19 hit. But he
says supplying Bata and visiting its factory
taught him “what happens, how the shoe is
marketed, the kind of shoe that can be
sold”. Now he dreams of using those skills
to build a factory of his own.
Many African governments are keen to
attract foreign investment. But its impact
hinges on what Albert Hirschman, a post
war economist, called “linkages”. By sup
plying or buying from multinationals, lo
cal firms like Mr Kinuthia’s can learn about
markets and technology. Such linkages are
all too rare in Africa, however. Many multi
nationals ship in their inputs and export
what they produce. That brings jobs and
dollars, but does not spur development.
A recent study by John Rand of the Uni
versity of Copenhagen and others finds
thatlinkagesarescarcer in Africa than in
developing Asia. The multinationals they
surveyed in Kenya imported twothirds of
their intermediate inputs, for instance,
whereas those in Vietnam imported just a
quarter. And local linkages transferred less
technology than expected. Firms learned
as much by trading across oceans as they
did from foreign firms in their backyard.
Extractive industries in particular tend
to operate as enclaves. Mining concessions
often come with importduty waivers, says
Lukas Bekker, a supplychain expert who
has helped set up mines in three African
countries. That makes it cheaper to import
equipment than to use local contractors.
And buying local can be risky. A finance
manager with 20 years’ experience in Afri
can mining says he prefers to keep pro
curement offshore, having uncovered
“frauds and kickbacks” between staff and
local suppliers in the past.
Capacity takes time to build. In Uganda,
which has long been preparing to pump
oil, a survey in 2012 found that only 200
trucks in a local fleet of 2,500 were up to
scratch. “We had to transform our busi
ness,” says Jeff Baitwa, who spent $20m
buying equipment to upgrade his haulage
company for oil contracts. Sometimes the
technical gap is too wide. “I’m told the
pipeline has what they call ‘seamless
pipes’,” says Stuart Mwesigwa, a manager at
Uganda’s largest steel company. “No one in
east Africa is manufacturing that!”
The problem goes beyond mining. In
ternational supermarkets often truck in
goods from distribution hubs—in South
Africa, for example—rather than sourcing
in the places where they operate. Much of
Africa’s coffee, cashew and cocoa leaves
the continent in packaging made abroad.
Garmentmakers stitch together imported
fabrics with imported zips and buttons.
Governments’ attempts to nurture link
ages show just how hard they are to create.
Some are trying to set up clusters of knowl
edge in industrial parks. Raghav Pattar, an
Indian, came to Hawassa Industrial Park in
Ethiopia as the manager of a Chinese ap
parel factory. From there it was a short step
to his current job as chief executive of Nasa
Garment, the first Ethiopianowned com
pany there. These kinds of moves help
skills and knowhow spread. But most Ethi
opian firms “are not coming to the indus
trial park”, says Mr Pattar. They struggle to
get the loans and expertise that foreign
firms can acquire abroad. In many coun
tries the entrepreneurs who gain most
from foreign investment are often those
with existing connections, such as those of
European or Asian descent.
Governments are also trying to foster
links through “local content” rules, which
require multinationals to procure locally
to win licences. The focus needs to be on
suppliers that add value, notes Judith Fes
sehaie of the International Trade Centre, a
development agency, who has studied
such policies in the southern African min
ing sectors, so that contracts do not go to
importers with nothing more than “a brief
case and a desk”. But the risk is that tough
restrictions put foreign firms off setting up
in a country altogether.
Some hope that the market might create
incentives to source locally, as consumers
become more interested in the origins of
the products they buy. “Our objective is to
grow the Ghana ecosystem,” says Keren Py
bus of Ethical Apparel Africa, a British gar
mentsourcing company that has invested
in a factory in Ghana. Ms Pybus imports
fabric but wants one day to buy it locally.
Foreignowned brewers are switching
from imported barley to homegrown
grains, marketing beerdrinking as a patri
otic act. But unless suppliers have the
funds, capacity and expertiseto take ad
vantage of foreign linkages,such efforts
will amount to small beer.n
K AMPALA
Why linkages between foreign and local firms are all too rare