12 Leaders The Economist July 17th 2021
S
outh africa offers drykindlingforpoliticalconflagration.
Unemployment and inequality are preposterously high.
Many people lack food, power and running water, while mem
bers of the ruling African National Congress (anc) gorge on
graft. In the two years before covid19 there were more protests
than probably at any time in the democratic era. The pandemic,
Africa’s worst if official statistics are to be trusted, has killed at
least 65,000 people and plunged many more into destitution.
Yet the violence that has engulfed the country in the past
week is not a spontaneous protest against such ills (see Middle
East & Africa section). It was incited, and in some cases perhaps
instigated, by people close to the former president, Jacob Zuma.
Their narrow aim is to have him released after his imprisonment
on July 7th for contempt of court for refusing to
appear before a judgeled inquiry into his cor
rupt reign of 200918. Their broader goal is to
make the country ungovernable so as to under
mine his successor, Cyril Ramaphosa. For South
Africa’s sake, they must not succeed.
Mr Zuma represents the ugly side of the anc.
His supporters either tolerate corruption, or
avidly indulge in it. Mr Ramaphosa was elected
to clean up the mess his predecessor left behind: a system of
“state capture” that cost South Africa more than 500bn rand
($34.5bn), or about 10% of a year’s gdp. Mr Zuma’s cronies had
looted budgets and subverted the bodies designed to check such
abuses, including the police and prosecutors. Mr Ramaphosa
has put clean, capable people back in charge of the tax and pros
ecution services. And judges are mostly honest and indepen
dent. For optimists, Mr Zuma’s sentencing symbolised South Af
rica’s renewed commitment to the rule of law.
That is why the bigwigs who profit from lawlessness are so
desperate to thwart it. Many within the ancstill see Mr Zuma as
their leader and his faction as their best chance for enrichment.
Some police and spooks preferred the old, corrupt, ways, too.
Theweaknessofthestateismostacute in Mr Zuma’s stronghold
of KwaZuluNatal (kzn), a province with a history of violence by
Zulu nationalists, scores of recent political assassinations, and
local mafias. Many Zulus believe Mr Zuma when he claims, spe
ciously, to be the victim of a political witch hunt.
In the past week at least 72 people have been killed and 1,
arrested. In Gauteng, the economic heartland containing Johan
nesburg, shops have been ransacked. In kzn there have also
been attacks on vital infrastructure: telecommunications tow
ers, industrial warehouses and lorries along a crucial highway to
the port of Durban. Hundreds of businesses have been de
stroyed. The country’s biggest refinery has shut. Petrol, food and
medicines are in short supply in kzn. Local citizens, some ner
vously clutching guns, others holding no more
than their neighbours’ hands, are protecting
their houses and shops.
Mr Ramaphosa’s response has been too slow.
He must get a grip. The priorities are to restore
order in Gauteng and kzn, and to stop violence
from spreading to the other seven provinces.
On July 14th the defence minister said 25,
troops would be deployed, the largest mobilisa
tion since the end of apartheid. Authorities must be given every
thing they need to go after ringleaders. The finance ministry
needs a plan to rebuild the economy and ease the pain of the
pandemic. The police minister and commissioner should be
fired. Calls to release Mr Zuma to stop the violence must be re
jected with the disdain such ransom notes deserve.
Some South Africans wonder if their state is up to the task.
But the security forces have enforced covidrelated restrictions,
so they should be able to restore peace. The inspiring response
by nonstate institutions—business groups, grassroots chari
ties, local reporters—is a reminder of the best of South Africa.
The rioters and their sponsors want to destroy the rule of law.Mr
Ramaphosa, and all patriotic South Africans, must upholdit.n
The worst unrest since apartheid underlines South Africa’s fragility
Rule of lawlessness
South Africa
T
housandsof protestersthronged the streets on July 11th.
Some stoned the police and looted posh shops. Such out
bursts are unprecedented in Cuba since the communists se
cured their hold on power in the 1960s. “Freedom!” and “Down
with the dictatorship!” they chanted, and “Patria y Vida!”
(Fatherland and Life), quoting an underground reggaeton song
that mocks Fidel Castro’s tired slogan of “Fatherland or Death”.
All this poses an extraordinary challenge to the dull bureau
crats who rule Cuba, after the death of Fidel and the retirement
of his younger brother, Raúl, earlier this year. The regime has re
sponded with repression (see America’s section). “Revolutionar
ies, to the streets,” urged Miguel DíazCanel, the president who
this year took the helm of the Communist Party, unleashing
troops, police and loyalist mobs wielding baseball bats. At least
one person was killed. Scores have been detained and the gov
ernment has sporadically cut access to the internet.
Repression may work in Cuba, as it has elsewhere. But some
thing there has snapped. The tacit contract that kept social peace
for six decades is broken. Many Cubans used to put up with a po
lice state because it guaranteed their basic needs, and those with
initiative found a way to leave. Now Cubans are fed up. When Mr
DíazCanel blames the protests on “American imperialism”, all
The best way to help Cuba’s protesters is to lift the American embargo
The mask slips
Cuba