22 United States The Economist July 17th 2021
Both legislative tracks are fraughtwith
hazards and obstruction, but Mr Biden
needs both trains to arrive simultaneously.
Progressives are threatening toblockthe
compromise measure unless the Senate
passes the maximalist bill. Andonthis
point they have an unlikely andpowerful
ally in Nancy Pelosi, the Democraticspeak
er of the House, who said: “Let mebereally
clear on this: We will not take upa billin
the House until the Senate passesthebi
partisan bill and a reconciliationbill.”Re
publicans who agreed to the compromise
legislation, meanwhile, fear lookinglike
patsies. Lindsey Graham, a Republican
senator from South Carolina, angrilybroke
away from the deal after news ofthetwo
track approach emerged, tellinga reporter
that “There’s no way. You look likea fuck
ing idiot now.”
Mr Biden’s initial attempt todriveboth
trains was more Buster KeatonthanLyn
don Johnson. “If they don’t come,I’mnot
signing,” he threatened. That nearlykilled
the compromise deal entirely;MrBiden
walked back those words, admittingthat
“my comments also created theimpres
sion that I was issuing a veto threatonthe
very plan I had just agreed to, whichwas
certainly not my intent,” He thenpromised
to sign an unpaired bill if it weretheonly
one to pass the House and Senate.
For now the plans remain abstract.No
legislative text has yet emergedfromthe
bipartisan framework agreed to by the
president and a contingent of senators.A
separate surfacetransport billpassed by
the House, costing $715bn, maygivethe
Senate a starting point—though despite
spending on hard rather thansoftinfra
structure, and earmarks to sweeten the
deal for Republicans, only two membersof
the opposition actually voted forit.
Announcing that $3.5trn headlinefig
ure of a reconciliation bill is onlythefirst
in a sequence of technical legislative
manoeuvres. “Reconciliation instruc
tions” on total spending mustbeagreed
and disseminated to the variouscommit
tees. Europeans will not be surprisedto
learn that trains, literal and metaphorical,
run slow in America. The lengthyparlia
mentary procedure may not yieldanactual
package until the autumn.
This tortuous, incrementalprocedure
may give Mr Biden flashbacks:hispresi
dency is starting to resemble BarackOba
ma’s. Momentum from passing a large,
hasty stimulus package is grindingtoa halt
as partisanship places obstacles on the
track. The main achievement ofMrOba
ma’s day, the Affordable Care Act, took
more than a year of shunting toandfro.A
landmark climatechange bill, meanwhile,
went down to defeat. Perhaps onetrainwill
arrive many months from now.Butthat
would still be shy of Biden’s hugepolicy
ambitions when he came to office.n
Lone-Starpolitics
Texodus
S
taterepresentativeArmandoWalle,
a Democrat from Houston, brought an
unusually big suitcase when he travelled to
Washington, dc, this week. For several
months Democrats in the Texas legislature
have been fighting an uphill battle against
an “election integrity” bill touted by Re
publicans, including Governor Greg Ab
bott. The flight of the Democratic caucus to
the capital temporarily halts a measure
that would have been controversial at any
time. Now, when so many Republicans are
still repeating the former president’s lie
that the last election was fraudulent, the
struggle has assumed Texan proportions.
In May, on the final day of this year’s
regular legislative session, Democrats
walked out of the Texas House, denying Re
publicans the quorum they needed to pass
the bill, or any other (the Texas House has a
rule stating that twothirds of members
need to be present for the chamber to pass
laws). Mr Abbott responded by vowing to
summon the legislators back for a special
session to tackle the issue, and to veto
funding for the legislative branch of state
government in the meantime. He followed
through, calling legislators back to Austin
for a special session which began July 8th,
triggering the events that led to Democrat
ic lawmakers leaving the state by private
planes, and could, perhaps, end with an
outright constitutional crisis in Texas.
Republicans control both chambers of
the state legislature by healthy margins. If
Congress remains unmoved by the pleas of
the refugees to pass a new federal voting
law, the Democratic state lawmakers will
soon find themselves in an awkward lim
bo, counting down the days until the spe
cial session ends on August 7th, with no
clear plan after that point. “We are living
on borrowed time,” a group of Democratic
leaders said in a statement.
Meanwhile, in Austin, Republicans are
fuming. “As soon as they come back in the
state of Texas, they will be arrested,” Mr Ab
bott declared on a local news station
(thereby rather undermining his claim to
be upholding democratic standards).
“They will be cabined inside the Texas Cap
itol until they get their job done.” He also
vowed to call as many special sessions as
necessary until the end of next year to en
sure that the legislation is passed.
Stopping the state legislature from
functioning in the name of saving democ
racy puts Mr Walle and his Democratic col
leagues on tricky ground. There is prece
dent for quorombreaking flights, but
breaking one norm to save another one re
quires a weighing of relative damage. The
Democrats argue, fairly, that the Republi
can bill is motivated by the Trumpboosted
myth about a stolen election and, perhaps
less fairly, that Republicans cannot win
Texas without suppressing the votes of
nonwhite Texans, who lean Democratic.
That the first version of the elections bill
targeted early voting on Sundays, when
many AfricanAmericans go to the polling
station after church, was the tell.
The current version of the bill is better.
A couple of provisions would bar innova
tions that Houston’s Harris County pio
neered last year (such as 24hour and
drivethrough voting). These proved popu
lar and worked well, but banning them
would be failing to encourage voting rather
than suppressing it. However the bill also
seeks to expand the power of partisan poll
watchers, which could facilitate voter ha
rassment and intimidation. In the 2020
election some local Republican officials
tried to recruit poll watchers to volunteer
in heavily black and Hispanic precincts.
“I’m okhaving a battle of ideas and los
ing; that happens to me, as a Democrat, all
the time,” says Diego Bernal, a Democrat
representing San Antonio. “This is about
rigging the system to produce a certain
outcome.” This view is so widely held by
Texas Democrats that they will happily
take a stance that looks doomed. “We live
on these ideals of freedom—well, not
everybody was free in this country when it
was created,” says Mr Walle. “Not every
body had the right to vote. We had a civil
war; we had Reconstruction; we had Jim
Crow, we had statesanctioned discrimina
tion.” His grandfather, born in 1930, lived
through someofthose experiences, and is
now, at age91,still a Texas voter. Hence the
big suitcase.n
H OUSTON
Texas Democrats suspend democracy in
the name of upholding it
Quorum blimey