42 The Economist July 17th 2021
Middle East & Africa
SouthAfrica
Jacob’s looters
S
hopping centresshould be a symbol
of South Africa’s progress. Their core
customers, as well as their staff, are the
black middle class that has grown since
apartheid ended. In the past week, how
ever, looters have destroyed malls in cities
such as Pretoria, Durban and Johannes
burg. Thousands of criminals have ran
sacked shops, departing unchallenged
with their booty.
The mayhem does not end there. Arson
ists have burnt lorries along the country’s
major motorway, forcing its closure. Van
dals have attacked infrastructure, includ
ing industrial warehouses and more than
100 telecommunications towers. The
country’s largest oil refinery is shut. Riot
ers have blocked roads used by nurses and
doctors to reach hospitals dealing with a
massive third wave of covid19. Ambulanc
es have been attacked. Vaccination sites
have shuttered. Thousands of businesses
have been wrecked; many will never
reopen. Food, petrol and medicines are in
short supply in the province of KwaZulu
Natal (kzn) and parts of Gauteng, which
contains Johannesburg. At least 72 people
have been killed and more than 1,234 ar
rested. The worst violence since the dawn
of democracy in 1994 not only threatens
the presidency of Cyril Ramaphosa but
shows how his enemies can exploit the
weakness of the postapartheid state.
In South Africa there are plenty of
sources of discontent. The official unem
ployment rate is the highest in the world,
according to the World Bank. Gaping in
equality means a minority enjoys a rich
world standard of living while most people
struggle to get by. Parts of the country regu
larly go without power and water. The po
lice are a blend of incompetence and cruel
ty. The pandemic has made life harder in
every way. And when corruption is ram
pant, some ask, what is raiding a super
market compared with looting a state air
line or the national energy company?
But the riots are not random. They have
been urged on by supporters of Jacob Zu
ma, the former president whose faction of
the ruling African National Congress (anc)
wants to topple Mr Ramaphosa. On June
29th the Constitutional Court sentenced
Mr Zuma to 15 months behind bars for re
fusing to appear before a judgeled inquiry
into corruption during his time in office
from 200918. Just before midnight on July
7th, as the highest court’s deadline for the
police to arrest him approached, Mr Zuma
was taken into custody. His allies, includ
ing family members, then spread mis
information about the basis for his arrest
and encouraged unrest. His foundation
called it the “righteous anger of the peo
ple...which others have characterised as vi
olence”, in response to the “violent provo
cation” of his sentencing.
Some Zuma supporters may have done
more than applaud the destruction. In a
veiled reference to the Zulu nationalists
who make up Mr Zuma’s base, Mr Rama
phosa said on July 12th that “there may
have been some people who sought to agi
tate for violence and disorder along ethnic
lines.” The next day, Ayanda Dlodlo, the
State Security Minister, said the govern
ment was investigating whether former
agents of the domestic spy agency and se
nior ancmembers aligned with Mr Zuma
had actively organised some of the vio
lence. On July 14th News24, a South African
outlet, reported that the government was
J OHANNESBURG
Order must be restored quickly in Africa’s most industrialised country
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