Encyclopedia of African Religion

(Elliott) #1

claimed that these may be used as charms or
votive objects by Sango worshippers.


Deji Ayegboyin and S.K.Olajide

SeealsoShango


Further Readings


Awolalu, J. O. (1979).Yoruba Beliefs,Sacrificial Rites.
London: Longman.
Courlander, H. (1973).Tales of Yoruba Gods and
Heroes. Greenwich, CT: Fawcett.
Daramola, O., & Jeje, A. (1970).Awon Asa ati Orisa Ile
Yoruba. Ibadan, Nigeria: Onibonoje Press.
Mbiti, J. S. (1969).African Religions and Philosophy.
London: Heinemann.
Mbiti, J. S. (1970).Concepts of God in Africa. London:
S.P.C.K.


TIBONANJ


Within the Vodu ontological structure in Haiti,
the human being is conceived of as being made of
three parts: Although the most obvious one is the
physical body, the human being also has a bipar-
tite spiritual component, the tibonanj and the
gwobonanj. Whereas the gwobonanj is the mani-
festation in human life of the immortal and divine
spirit, God itself, the tibonanj represents the more
personal side of an individual. This ontological
structure is reminiscent of and derives from origi-
nal African ontological models, such as the
ancient Egyptian spiritual dualityka/baor the Fon
semedo/selido.
The tibonanj has essentially two functions.
First, it plays an identifying role because it repre-
sents one’s unique qualities and one’s personality.
In that respect, the tibonanj can be controlled by
another person through spells. The second impor-
tant function of the tibonanj is moral because it
represents one’s conscience and one’s morality, as
revealed in one’s actions. The tibonanj ultimately
allows one to distinguish between what is right
and what is wrong and hopefully make the
morally correct decisions.
Haitian Voduists do not necessarily think of the
gwobonanj and the tibonanj as separate entities.


Much to the contrary, they believe that both are
tied into an organic relationship on which the
well-being of the person is predicated. The tibo-
nanj and the gwobonanj must function in har-
mony because they ultimately mirror one another.
Only at the time of death will the gwobonanj and
the tibonanj separate. The tibonanj will not leave
the Earth until the ninth day after death has
occurred. Although much attention is paid to the
gwobonanj at the time of death, this is not the
case with the tibonanj, which, on being expelled
from the body with the last breath, assumes an
anonymous status, and becomes of little, if any,
use to the living.

Ama Mazama

SeealsoBa; Ka

Further Readings
Crosley, R. (2000). TheVodou Quantum Leap:
Alternative Realities,Power and Mysticism. St. Paul,
MN: Llewellyn.
Deren, M. (1972).The Divine Horsemen:The Voodoo
Gods of Haiti. New York: Delta.
Desmangles, L. (1994).Faces of the Gods:Vodou and
Roman Catholicism in Haiti. Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press.
McCarthy Brown, K. (1991).Mama Lola:A Vodou
Priestess in Brooklyn. Berkeley: University of
California Press.
Métraux, A. (1958).Le Vaudou Haitien. Paris:
Gallimard.

TIME


Perhaps one of the most discussed concepts in
relation to religion and philosophy in Africa is
time. Time has been postulated as the distinctive
element in defining the religious reality and philo-
sophical thought of the African peoples. This was
originally formulated by the famed African
theologian and philosopher John S. Mbiti, who
argued that the African concept of time is distinct
from the Western mode of formulating time.
Although critiqued by subsequent African scholars,
the basic premise of the theory still holds.

664 Tibonanj

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