festival. Among the Ibo, the men go to the farms
and dig up the new yams and bring them back for
the women to cook. They must dig carefully so as
not to bruise the yams, and then they make thanks
in the village square so all can see what is being
produced around the village. They offer the ances-
tors the yam, white chalk, and a chicken. The
chalk symbolizes well-being, and the chicken is for
slaughter. A feast then ensues that includes many
people. The yam is the king of thanksgiving; it is
the ultimate vegetable for friendship and the
maintenance of the society for another year.
Molefi Kete AsanteSeealsoCeremonies
Further Readings
Blier, S. (2003).The Royal Arts of Africa. Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Welsh, K. (1997).African Dance. Trenton, NJ: Africa
World Press.
YANVALOU
Yanvalou is a rhythm and dance of Haitian
Vodou. Named after its associated movements,
yanvalou may be interpreted to meansupplica-
tion. There are a number of variations of the
dance based on the position of the body during
the dance’s characteristic undulations: yanvalou
debout,yanvalou z’épaules, andyanvalou dos bas
or, respectively, “upright,” “isolated shoulders,”
and “crouching.”
Yanvalou is primarily reserved for rituals and
ceremonies. Peformed for the Haitian lwa, or
deities, Aida Wedo, Erzulie, and Ogou, and some-
times for the Gede, the dance is used to reinforce
community and solidarity, as well as to induce a
trance-like state in which the dancers may be pos-
sessed by these lwa. The movements of yanvalou
have been described as fluid and are performed
by creating undulating circular movements
through the dancer’s spine, chest, and solar
plexus. The dancer’s body leans forward with
knees bent while it undulates. While the upper
body is undulating, the dancer’s feet slide side-
ways with a pause on the fourth beat of the
rhythm. Leaning forward even farther in the posi-
tion of yanvalou dos bas, the dance appears even
more serpentine. The serpentine movement is said
to imitate the movement of Damballah (the lwa
associated with the snake) through the undulating
experience of the dancer.
The dance is not for performance or entertain-
ment, but is a communicative tool between the
physical and spiritual realms. Specific rhythms and
associated dances, during Haitian Vodou rites,
communicate directly with specific individual lwa
or groups of them. In the case of yanvalou, the
rhythm and dance are used to open ceremonies and
are usually the first performed. Not only does the
dance serve the purpose of preparing the body for
other strenuous dances to follow; it is also said to
result in a state of ecstasy that may release partici-
pants from emotional conflict and therefore place
them in a state of total relaxation.
Some have linked yanvalou to the purpose of
female empowerment. It has been called the
“dance of the embryo,” and it is said to represent
the birthing process as evidenced by its focus on
the belly and pelvis of the dancer. The dance is
also to be particularly empowering sexually, espe-
cially for women, because it celebrates the power
of the feminine as well as the beauty of women.
The fact that the dance is performed for
Damballah’s wife, Ayida Wedo, and for Erzulie,
the lwa of love and of women, seems to support
this supposition. Interestingly, Erzulie is also said
to be a wife of Damballah.
Yanvalou is most commonly associated with
the Rada lwa of Haiti. Because this particular
nanchon, or nation, of lwa is said to have come to
Haiti from Dahomey, it is no surprise that the
movements of yanvalou are similar to dances cur-
rently performed in this area of West Africa.
Additionally, the lwa of Rada are known for their
gentle nature, and the dance is indeed more fluid
than some of the other dances of Haitian Vodou
associated with the Petwo nanchon.
The high season for yanvalou is Carnival,
although it may be danced whenever humans need
to communicate with the group of lwa associated
with the dance. The dance is supported by the
rhythm of the same name that is played by threeYanvalou 733