Whigs’ by adopting popular social measures. The Liberals were often
reluctant, because of their ideological commitment to laissez-faire
(and the support of the new urban bourgeoisie) to take such
measures.
Traditional conservative suspicion of grand theory may be epito-
mised by reference to the work of Michael Oakeshott [1901–1990]:To some people ‘government’ appears as a vast reservoir of power which
inspires them to dream of what use may be made of it. They have
favourite projects of various dimensions, which they sincerely believe are
for the benefit of mankind.... They are, thus, disposed to recognise
government as an instrument of passion; the art of politics is to inflame
and direct desire.... Now the disposition of the Conservative in respect
of politics reflects a quite different view... to inject into activities of
already too passionate men an ingredient of moderation; to restrain, to
deflate, to pacify and to reconcile; not to stoke the fires of desire but to
damp them down.
(Oakeshott, 1962: 191–192)In a well-known and rather striking image, Oakeshott further
describes the activity of politics as tosail a bottomless and boundless sea; there is neither harbour for shelter
nor floor for anchorage, neither starting-place nor appointed destination.
The enterprise is to keep afloat on an even keel; the sea is both friend
and enemy; and the seamanship consists in using the resources of a
traditional manner of behaviour in order to make a friend of every hostile
occasion.
(Oakeshott, 1962: 127)Thatcherism and neo-conservatism
Although the Conservative Party continues to attract some tradi-
tional ‘One-Nation’ pragmatic supporters, many MPs and party
members have become committed to the idea that the political and
economic system requires radical reform to allow market forces to
achieve an efficient and effective allocation of resources. The doctrine
which has become identified as ‘Thatcherism’ in Britain originated in
the United States with such thinkers as Hayek (1979) and Milton94 IDEOLOGIES