They also contain ‘moral bases for materialistic motivations and for disci-
plined and rational pursuit of wealth’. Nor are old traditions necessarily dis-
placed by new norms and social structures. They can and do exist side by side.
Elements of both as defined by modernization theory may be fused, may
coexist or may be mutually reinforcing (Whitaker, 1967). New products,
modes of decision-making and religions do not necessarily displace older
practices and beliefs. Modern developments depend for their acceptance,
rejection or modification on specific traditions. This is overlooked if ‘tradi-
tional’ society is abstracted from its specific cultural and historical setting.
The problem with modernization theory’s conception of ‘tradition’ is that
it is a residual concept, defined by reference to the logical opposites of
‘modern’: ‘The modern ideal is set forth, and then everything which is not
modern is labelled traditional’ (Huntington, 1971, p. 294). Characteristics
attributed to societies considered modern are used to measure a society’s
progress (for example see Almond, 1960, p. 64; and Black, 1966,
pp. 68–75). ‘Tradition’ is not defined by reference to observed facts and
knowledge of societies prior to their contact with the West. If the dichotomy
does not reflect reality, all societies must be ‘transitional’ and moderniza-
tion theory loses all value as an aid to understanding historical change.
Modernization theory obscures the variability found both within and
between traditional societies (Tipps, 1973, pp. 212–13). Modernity is also
an ambiguous concept as there are many routes to be taken and many mod-
els to be followed (Gusfield, 1967).
Secularization and religion
The resurgence of religion, especially as a foundation for political mobiliza-
tion, in parts of the Third World indicates that modernization does not
necessarily bring about secularization. The growth of ‘political religions’ in
the Middle East, Africa, the Caribbean, Asia and Latin America not only
undermines the secularist assumptions of modernization theory. It raises the
question of whether religious politics is a reversion to tradition. Whether
Christian or Moslem, Hindu or Buddhist, progressive or conservative, reli-
gious politics has been in part a response to the failure of governments to
secure economic prosperity and social well-being that is equitably distributed.
It is also a reaction to the failure of secular ideologies to deliver socio-
economic development, as well as a response to the undesirable consequences
of modernity, including political repression, economic and political corrup-
tion, loss of cultural identity, and community dislocation. While there may
Modernization and Political Development 61