VI. Grabbing a Senate Seat with a Little Help from his Trilateral Friends 251
came to Washington pushing the hope that politics could be better — but now he can give the
impression that he’d rather be just about anywhere other than in Washington. “It can be
incredibly frustrating,” he tells me. “The maneuverings, the chicanery, the smallness of politics
here.” Listening to a bloviating colleague at his first meeting of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, Obama slipped a three-word note to a member of his staff: “Shoot. Me. Now.” On a
recent day, as Obama made his way through the Capitol’s corridors, his fellow senators seemed
like good-natured sportscasters, jolly and easy with their power, bantering about the fortunes of
baseball teams in their home states... Obama is aloof and quiet. He prefers to listen, attentive as
a rector, not quite of this world, silently measuring it. “The typical politician pushes himself on
people to get them to pay attention,” says Frank Luntz, the Republican campaign strategist.
“Obama is quieter. He doesn’t push — he has a laid-back feel that pulls you in. That is so rare.”
(Wallace Wells, “Destiny’s Child,” Rolling Stone, February 27, 2007)
But no matter what the issue, Obama will always take any opportunity he is offered to
pontificate, lecture, hector, and talk down to his interlocutors:
The lesson the senator took from the meeting, he says, was this: “Politics is not a sport. The
debates we have in Washington are not about tactical advantages. They are about who we are as
people, what we believe in and what we are willing to do to make sure we have a country that
our children deserve.” Afterward, he signs autographs in the crowd for what seems like hours:
He can’t, he won’t, get away. (Wallace Wells, “Destiny’s Child,” Rolling Stone, February 27,
2007)
US SENATE: MEDDLING IN KENYAN DESTABILIZATION NECKLACING
As part of Obama’s efforts to demonstrate his continuing usefulness to Zbigniew Brzezinski and
the rest of the Rockefeller-Trilateral policy faction as they strive to reject the Chinese from Africa
and thus cut off the flow of African oil, raw materials, and minerals to the Middle Kingdom, Obama
— puffed up by his new senatorial dignity — now undertook a second roots trip back to Kenya.
This time it was no longer a matter of discovering inconvenient truths about his father and the rest
of his relatives; it was now a matter of documenting his ability to help destabilize Kenya with the
help of his murderous cousin, the Anglo-American provocateur Ryan Odinga: During Obama’s trip
to Kenya in August 2006, he openly meddled in tribal politics against the majority Kikuyu ethnic
group, which controlled the government, and in favor of his own Luo tribe, which had become
identified to some extent with the cause of Islam. It must be stressed that the motivation for Obama
as illegitimate interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state was not dictated by religious
considerations, but had everything to do with the desire of the Zbigniew Brzezinski faction of the
US elite to overthrow the Kenyan government because it was open to cooperation with the People’s
Republic of China, which Brzezinski is targeting in the first phase of his final apocalyptic assault on
Russia. Under the Brzezinski strategy, all of Africa is to become a battlefield between the United
States and the Chinese, with the goal of denying Beijing access to oil, minerals, and other strategic
raw materials. Obama made his meddling so blatant and so obvious that the existing Kenyan
government labeled him in blunt terms as a “stooge” for the Luo-based and US-backed opposition
forces, who were led by his cousin, the murderous Raila Odinga. (Mike Flannery, “[Kenyan]
Government Says Obama is a Stooge for Political Opposition,” CBS2.com, August 2006)