394 Barack H. Obama: The Unauthorized Biographytranscended time and space. But those in the grips of Obama Comedown Syndrome began to
wonder if His stuff actually made sense. For example, His Hopeness tells rallies that we are the
change we have been waiting for, but if we are the change we have been waiting for then why have
we been waiting since we’ve been here all along?” (David Brooks, New York Times, February 19,
2008)
The other aspect of the Obama lemming legions which has attracted the attention of some
commentators is a specious rage with which they turn on those who do not share their fanatical
devotion to the Perfect Master. Professor Paul Krugman is surely one of the more intelligent of
these critics when he writes: “Why, then, is there so much venom out there? I won’t try for fake
evenhandedness here: most of the venom I see is coming from supporters of Mr. Obama, who want
their hero or nobody. I’m not the first to point out that the Obama campaign seems dangerously
close to becoming a cult of personality. We’ve already had that from the Bush administration —
remember Operation Flight Suit? We really don’t want to go there again.” (Paul Krugman, New
York Times, February 11, 2008)
Obama’s general demeanor and rhetorical style has been compared to that of Mussolini, the first
fascist to seize power in a major country. David Plotz of Slate.com was shocked by the mob rule
overtones of the Obama agitation: ‘The deputy editor of a major online magazine spent time in a
weekly podcast explaining how the style of Senator Barack Obama shares much in common with
the speech of fascist dictators like Benito Mussolini. “That’s slightly fascistic,” David Plotz, the
deputy editor at Slate.com said in the magazine’s weekly podcast when one of his fellow editors
brought up Obama’s style. “That’s a very, like, let’s rally the nation. I don’t want to be rallied.”
After his fellow Slate editors lightly gibed him for his statement, he continued the point: “My
brother who is an academic wrote this wonderful book about crowds, and crowd theory. And one of
the sort of lessons that he’s always imparted to me is just that crowds are terrifying. Crowds are
horrifying for the most part because they have a will of their own, and they act independently of
rationality. And I think that Obama relies hugely on that. That’s not to say, I don’t, I still support
him, but I don’t like that fascistic, I like him not for the fascistic elements of his candidacy, which I
think are profound.”’ (Michael Roston, “Slate editor calls Obama speech style ‘fascistic,’“
(Rawstory, February 4, 2008) An untenable position, we note in passing, since fascism, once
identified, must surely be opposed.
DIALECTIC OF HOPE AND DESPAIR IN FASCISM
FROM MUSSOLINI TO OBAMA
One of the most reliable indications of Obama’s fascist ideology can be found in his obsessive
preoccupation with the theme of “hope.” One of the staples of fascist demagogy from Mussolini to
Hitler, and especially in the latter, is a constant attempt to mobilize the latent and conscious despair
of the target audiences into a form of frenzied activism or flight forward in the service of the Fascist
party and the fascist cause. One of the favorite themes of National Socialist propaganda was the
idea that Hitler represented the last hope of the despairing masses after the torments of World War
I, the great hyperinflation of 1923, and the great deflationary depression starting in 1929. This
theme was used in some of the NSDAP’s most effective posters. In Obama’s case, his ability to
appeal to the despair of his followers is significantly enhanced by his own existentialist background,
as indicated by his interest during his college years in the existentialist-terrorist works of Frantz
Fanon. As has already been mentioned, a thoroughgoing existentialist is in grave danger of sliding
into fascism under the impact of a social crisis including military defeat and acute economic