68 Barack H. Obama: The Unauthorized Biographyto fascist innovation in a way that even “original intent” has not been able to do. Once again, we are
looking here at the transition from reaction to fascism.
OGLETREE AND REPARATIONS
Another significant mentor for Obama was the black Professor Charles Ogletree, who is one of
the leading proponents of reparations for slavery. Reparations are a favorite tactic of the foundations
and the counter-insurgency community in general, since this ploy holds out the promise of a whole
new cycle of futile and self-defeating racial conflict in the United States, thus safeguarding financier
rule for another historical epoch. It is especially absurd in the light of the growing numbers of
Latinos, Asians, and other more recent immigrants who have no connection whatsoever to slavery
and Jim Crow. The serious approach would be a class-based approach, with working people of all
ethnic and racial groups forming a united front to extract from Wall Street the necessary means for
social and economic renewal in housing, health care, jobs, education, mass transit, and related areas.
This is exactly what the reparations issue is designed to prevent.
When Wright went to the National Press Club, the only specific demand he made was for an
apology for slavery. It is widely assumed that such an apology, while fully justified in itself, would
be seized on by the foundation-funded affirmative action black overclass to demand reparations, of
which the black overclass would receive the lion’s share, while the inner-city ghetto would sink
ever deeper into despair and poverty. “This matter is growing in significance rather than declining,”
Ogletree recently commented. “It has more vigor and vitality in the 21st century than it’s had in the
history of the reparations movement.” Professor Ogletree was an advisor to Obama during his 2004
Senate candidacy and serves as an advisor to him now. (AP, July 9, 2006) It is therefore quite
possible that, in addition to a global warming tax and a third world solidarity tax, a future Obama
regime might try to impose a slavery reparations tax. Under the likely conditions of economic
breakdown in this country such an attempt, whatever the abstract balance of equities, might well
lead to the worst of all possible outcomes, civil war. We will have more to say about Obama’s
secret agenda for reparations later in this study.
Evelyn Pringle, who has delved into the labyrinth of Chicago corruption in which Obama
wallowed for so many years, has found that the mafioso and underworld figure Antoin Rezko,
Obama’s prime moneybags for much of his earlier career, came into contact with Obama while he
was still in law school and tried to hire him immediately as a mouth-piece for Rezko’s underworld
empire: in the arguments at the spring 2008 Rezko trial, it was revealed that he ‘“met Barack
Obama when he was in Harvard Law School and tried to hire him” to be the lawyer for his
development company.’
A well-informed expert on Chicago political corruption, Pringle shows that Rezko and Obama
go way back together: ‘Obama says he met Rezko, when he got a call right out of the blue from
David Brint, after he was elected president of the Harvard Law Review, wanting to know if he
would be interested in being a developer for Rezko’s real estate company, Rezmar. Because they
read that he was interested in community development work, Obama says, Rezko and his two
partners, Mahru and Brint, met with him to discuss the job. “I said no, but I remained friendly with
all three of them,” Obama said in the Chicago Tribune on November 1, 2006. In fact, Obama told
the Tribune that Rezko “might have raised $50,000 to $75,000” for one campaign alone in his failed
run for Congress in 2000.’ (Evelyn Pringle, op-ed news) In Obama’s life, there are too many of
these coincidences; we can feel the mysterious action of the Trilateral invisible hand. As for Obama
and Rezko, they go back to 1991 or earlier.