Kant: A Biography

(WallPaper) #1
Notes to Pages 89—91 447


  1. Jachmann, Kant, p. 157.

  2. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Philosophical Essays, tr. Roger Ariew and Daniel
    Garber (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1989), p. 123.

  3. Ernan McMullin, Newton on Matter and Activity (Notre Dame: University of
    Notre Dame Press, 1978), p. 32. I rely heavily on his account of the differences
    and similarities between Descartes, Leibniz, and Newton.

  4. McMullin, Newton on Matter and Activity, p. 33. It should, however, be remem¬
    bered that force was for Newton not essential to matter.

  5. Ak 1, p. 17.

  6. Ak 1, p. 139.

  7. Ibid, (the phrase represents the subtitle of Part III). This contrast between math¬
    ematical body and body of nature can be found in Christian August Crusius, who
    had argued that the space that substances fill is not the same as mathematical
    space, that mathematical space is arbitrary, and that it can therefore not be ap¬
    plied to nature without problems. See Entwurf der notwendigen Vernunftwahr¬
    heiten, wiefern sie den zufälligen entgegengesetzt werden (1745), now in Christian
    August Crusius, Die philosophischen Hauptwerke, ed. G. Tonelli (Hildesheim: Olms,
    1964); see especially p. 175. Compare Reinhard Finster, "Zur Kritik von Chris¬
    tian August Crusius an den einfachen Substanzen bei Leibniz und Wolff," Stu-
    dia Leibnitiana 18 (1986), pp. 72—82. However, it is more likely that Kant relies
    on Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten's Metaphysica, which first appeared in 1739,
    and which inspired both Crusius and Kant. Baumgarten made a distinction be¬
    tween fictional or mathematical points and monads, which are real and determinate
    physical points. But whether or not Baumgarten influenced Crusius, his con¬
    ception of physical monads certainly represents almost exactly Kant's own early
    view. See especially paragraphs 392-435 (Ak 17, pp. 109-117).

  8. Ak 1, p. 140.

  9. Ak 1, pp. 15if. Kant's theory must also be viewed in relation to the question that
    the Berlin Academy had formulated for the year 1747 (published in 1746): "We
    demand an examination, starting from an exact and clear presentation of the doc¬
    trine of monads, whether monads can be thoroughly disproved and destroyed by
    incontestable arguments, or whether it is possible to prove the monads and de¬
    rive from them an intelligible explanation of the main phenomena of the universe
    and especially of the origin and the motion of bodies" (emphasis supplied). For an
    account of the discussion connected to this question, see KarlVogel, Kant und die
    Paradoxien der Vielheit. Die Monadenlehre in Kants philosophischer Entwicklung bis
    zum Antinomienkapitel der Kritik der reinen Vernunft (Meisenheim am Glan: Anton
    Hain, 1975), pp. 87f.

  10. At Ak 1, p. 152. Kant refers to this work.

  11. McMullin, Newton on Matter and Activity, p. 46.

  12. Baumgarten, Metaphysica, paragraphs 294 (Ak 17, p. 91) and 210-223 (Ak 17,
    pp. 70-76), especially 220 (p. 74). But compare also Erdmann, Knutzen, pp. 95-

  13. Erdmann claims that Baumgarten's preestablished harmony was different
    from Leibniz's because Baumgarten held that monads can act on each other. This
    is certainly true, but this does not mean that his theory was one of physical in¬
    flux. Just like Kant, Baumgarten believes that external influences (what he calls

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