26 United States The Economist October 9th 2021
This new whistleblowing incident
could be a turning point, says Blair Levin, a
former chiefofstaff to the Federal Com
munications Commission and now of New
Street Research, a private company. Social
media’s harmful effects on children and
teenagers is a concern that transcends par
tisanship and is easier to understand than
sneaky datagathering, viral misinforma
tion and other socialnetworking sins.
If Congress does follow through with
legislation, it is likely to focus narrowly on
protecting children online, as opposed to
broader reforms, for which there is still no
political consensus. For example, Con
gress could update and strengthen the
Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act
(coppa), which was passed in 1998 and bars
datacollection of children under the age
of 13. Some want to extend protections to
teenagers over the age of 13, as well. Other
legislative proposals take aim at marketing
and design features that make social media
so addictive for the young.
However, Ms Haugen’s most significant
impact on big tech may be inspiring others
to come forward and blow the whistle on
their employers’ practices. Whistleblower
Aid, a legal support group that has helped
Ms Haugen’s case, has seen more inbound
calls since her revelations were made pub
lic. “A case like this one opens the flood
gates and will trigger hundreds more cas
es,” predicts Steve Kohn, a lawyer who has
represented several highprofile whistle
blowers. Just look at Swiss banking or
pharma to understand the viral spread of
whistleblowing, he says. According to Siri
Nelson of the National Whistleblower Cen
tre, a legal defence firm, whistleblowers do
not just change companies: they “change
whole industries.”
There are several factors that make tech
ripe for whistleblowing. One is the indus
try’s culture of flouting rules. Another is a
legal framework that makes whistleblow
ing lessintimidating than it used to be. The
DoddFrank Act, which was enacted in
2010, gives greater protections to whistle
blowers by preventing retaliation from
employers and by offering monetary re
wards to successful cases of up to 30% of
the money collected from sanctions
against a firm. To date, the Securities and
Exchange Commission has paid out $1bn
to 207 whistleblowers, including more
than $500m in its 2021 fiscal year.
If the threat of public shaming encour
ages corporate accountability, that is a
good thing. But it could also make tech less
inclusive and transparent, predicts Matt
Perault, a former Facebook executive who
is director of the Centre for Technology
Policy at the University of North Carolina
at Chapel Hill. People may become less
willing to share ideas if they worry about
public leaks; companies may become less
open with their staff; and executives could
start including only a handful of trusted
senior staff in meetings that might have
otherwise been less restricted.
Executives are going to have to get used
to more leaks. Nick Clegg, Facebook’s vice
president of policy and global affairs, has
defended the company and pushed back
against Ms Haugen’s allegations in a memo
to the company’s staff, in which he pointed
out that last year the company removed
30m posts that violated its policies on ter
rorism and 19m posts that crossed compa
ny lines for inciting hatred. It was barely
any time at all before the memo was shared
with journalists. Facebook and other big
tech firms, which have been criticisedfor
violating people’s privacy online,can no
longer count on any privacy either.n
We can tidy up the place
Politicalscience
Polarisation explorers
T
he taglinefor the annual meeting of
the American Political Science Associa
tion (apsa) held in Seattle last weekend
read “Promoting Pluralism.” Under the
sunny geometric windows of the city’s
convention centre, and through the poorly
lit rectangles of Zoom rooms, scholars met
to discuss, among other things, the various
threats to American democracy, and
whether the country’s polarised political
parties could peacefully coexist. Like ex
perts on the use of nuclear weapons during
the Cold War, the spectre of some disas
trous future hung over the discussions and
was made only slightly less alarming by
the technical language used to describe it.
Scholars of American politics are par
ticularly dismayed by rising levels of “af
fective polarisation,” the political science
term for the hostility one person feels to
wards members of the other party relative
to the feelings they have towards members
of their own party. Levels of affective polar
isation have risen more than twofold
since the 1970s when the American Nation
al Election Studies, a quadrennial academ
ic survey started at the University of Michi
gan, began asking citizens to rate how they
felt about members of either major party.
In 1978, according to the survey, the differ
ence between Americans’ ratings of mem
bers of their own and ratings of members
of the other party on a 100point “feeling
thermometer” scale was 27 points. The gap
had widened to 56 by 2020.
Lilliana Mason of Johns Hopkins Uni
versity calls this phenomenon “identity
based” polarisation. In her 2018 book “Un
civil Agreement” Ms Mason crunched a
mass of survey data to reveal how ideologi
cal, religious and racial identities have be
come “sorted” into overlapping mega
identities captured almost entirely by the
words “Democrat” and “Republican.” One
result, she concludes, is that isolated and
warring tribes have become “relatively un
responsive to changing information or real
national problems.”
That problem—that people’s political
affiliations determine what information
S EATTLE
America’s political scientists are worried about “lethal partisanship”
Empathy building