22 United States The Economist November 6th 2021
the tens place (20+40=60), and then add
them together to get 72. Or they could real
ise that 27 is 3 digits away from 30. They
would add 3 to get to 30. Then add 45 and
subtract 3 to get 72. Conceptual maths
strategies encourage pupils to find many
potential solutions for the same problem
to gain numbersense, rather than relying
on an algorithm.
Although most teachers agree that
maths education in America is subpar,
they have not been able to agree on how to
improve it. Copying methods used in high
ly ranked mathematical nations such as
Singapore would be one way. But that
would require agreement on what is actu
ally being taught in other countries. Ac
cording to Mr Evers, successful Asian cur
riculums reflect the classical position.
“What country do you think has totally
adopted progressive education and has
been a big success? China is very teacher
led. Singapore math is the best in the
world. It’s not progressive,” explains Mr Ev
ers. But Mr Schoenfeld reckons countries
such as Japan and Singapore implement
conceptual curriculums.
Part of the confusion stems from the
messy implementation of the most recent
maths curriculum, the Common Core. Im
plemented in 2010 under President Barack
Obama’s administration, 41 states and the
District of Columbia adopted the princi
ples. Texas, Florida and several others opt
ed out. Despite initially being a bipartisan
effort (Jeb Bush and other conservatives
supported the Obama administration’s ef
fort), it was eventually criticised by both si
des. Some view it as an example of progres
sive education, while others think it was
not progressive enough. Now that test re
sults are rolling in, many conservatives
claim that the falling scores show the fail
ure of the Common Core and progressive
teachers. But supporters of the current cur
riculum are not prepared to give up.
Whereas naepscores declined among 13
yearolds, they stayed steady among nine
yearolds, who would have studied Com
mon Core for their whole school lives.
Further muddling the mess, farleft ac
tivists have paired conceptual maths
methods with more radical concepts. Ma
ny opponents of conceptual maths believe
that Common Core, and conceptual maths
in general, bans teaching of rotelearning,
as in multiplication tables. A prominent
mathseducation scholar at Stanford Uni
versity, Jo Boaler, claims that memorising
times tables is unnecessary. Conservatives
have seized on this idea as an example of
liberal activism gone wild. But Mr Schoen
feld claims this does not align with pro
gressive maths values.
Some activists have also paired concep
tual maths with “socialjustice maths”, the
concept that maths should be used to help
pupils solve realworld issues and appraisethe world aroundthem. Dubbed “woke
math[s]”andtaggedwithheadlinessuch
as“InCalifornia2+2=4MayBeThought
Racist”(asa lettertotheWallStreetJournal
harrumphed), it has done conceptual
mathsfewfavoursbyassociation.
ThemathsdebateinAmericaispolar
isedandconfused.Whileothercountries
implementmathscurriculumswitha bal
ance of rote and conceptual learning,
Americacontinuestoswingfromonepole
toanother,decadeafterdecade.Justlike
thecountry’spolitics,inotherwords.nOffyearelectionsPhysics for politics
O
ne year ago, America’s Democrats
were celebrating: Joe Biden had just
made Donald Trump a oneterm president.
This year’s (much smaller) election day left
them in a considerably grimmer mood. In
Virginia, Glenn Youngkin became the first
Republican to win a gubernatorial race
since 2009. Democrats are on course to
lose the lower chamber of the statehouse,
as well as races for lieutenantgovernor
and attorneygeneral. In New Jersey, Phil
Murphy, the incumbent governor, came
within just a percentage point of losing de
spite winning by 14 points in 2017. The par
ty’s progressive wing fared even worse:
voters in Minneapolis rejected a measure
to replace the city’s police department witha “Department of Public Safety,” and a so
cialist mayoral candidate in Buffalo, New
York lost to her defeated primary opponent
who was running as a writein candidate.
Partly these results simply hew to form:
the party in power tends to fare poorly in
offyear elections. But the size and shape of
the defeat augurs ill for Democrats’ chanc
es of holding their congressional major
ities in next year’s midterm races.
A few factors may have exacerbated the
Democrats’ poor performance. Mr Biden
had hoped to have Democratic candidates
boasting about all the party has accom
plished so far. But his congressional agen
da has stalled amid factional party infight
ing, which may have depressed the base.
Terry McAuliffe, whom Mr Youngkin de
feated, ran a flatfooted campaign focused
almost entirely on Mr Trump, who was not
on the ballot. Moderate Republican voters
who supported Mr Biden last year to get Mr
Trump out of office may have found their
way back home.
Mr Youngkin, by contrast, appeared
moderate enough for moderates and
Trumpy enough for fartherright voters,
running up Belarusian margins in white
rural counties. His campaign focused on
parents’ rights and education; he vowed to
ban criticalrace theory from being taught
in schools (which it is not). Mr McAuliffe
called that tactic a racist dogwhistle, but
failed to muster a more persuasive re
sponse or present a broader positive vision
for the state. New Jersey’s race followed a
similar pattern. Jack Ciattarelli, the Repub
lican candidate for governor, ran a moder
ate campaign focused on cutting taxes, and
he avoided mentioning Mr Trump. That
may have helped him win independents,
while Mr Murphy’s lowkey style (perhaps
along with some complacency) may have
kept Democratic turnout low.
The bigger force at play, however, is the
typical backlash against the party that con
trols the White House. The offyear Virgin
ia governor’s race has swung against a
newly elected president in every contest
since 1981. The average swing in vote mar
gins against the incumbent party is about
ten percentage points, though the penalty
can be as high as 17 in rare cases. In com
parison, the two Democrats’ margins in
New Jersey and Virginia were 14 percentage
points lower on average than Mr Biden’s
margin against Mr Trump there in 2020. In
other words, the merits or detriments of
individual candidates notwithstanding,
Democrats faced predictable patterns of re
volt against the ruling party.
Democracy in America is “thermostat
ic”, observed Christopher Wlezien, a politi
cal scientist, in a 1995 journal article estab
lishing a theory of politics bearing the
same name. He used data on preferences
and levels of government spending to
show they move in a slightly inverse relaWASHINGTON, DC
Democrats suffer a rout at the pollsYoungkin’s interest carried