The Economist November 6th 2021 Asia 35JapanesepoliticsWishy-washy
W
hen kishida fumio became the
headofJapan’srulingLiberalDemo
craticParty(ldp) attheendofSeptember,
oneofthefirstthingshedidwastolower
expectationsfortheparty’sfuture.Public
frustration with the government’s han
dlingofcovid19hadhelpedforcetheres
ignationofhispredecessor,Suga Yoshi
hide.Somepollssuggestedthattheparty’s
dominanceinthelowerhousewasunder
threatincomingelections.Votersseemed
lukewarmonMrKishida,givinghisnew
cabinet lower approval ratings than in
coming prime ministerstypically enjoy.
MrKishidadefined“victory”forhispartyasmaintainingasimple majority of 233
seats along with its coalition partner, Ko
meito, down from 305 before the election.
He was perhaps overcautious. When re
sults were tallied from the election on Oc
tober 31st, the ldphad lost only 15 seats,
leaving it with 261, singlehandedly clear
ing the threshold for both a simple majori
ty and also an “absolute stable majority”,
which means that the party can chair and
control all parliamentary standing com
mittees. That is a relief for Mr Kishida. And
it is a devastating defeat for Japan’s opposi
tion, which had hoped to capitalise on
public discontent. Instead, the biggest op
position party, the Constitutional Demo
cratic Party of Japan (cdp), lost 13 seats. On
November 2nd Edano Yukio, its leader, an
nounced his resignation.
The opposition’s humiliation is in part
the result of potent memories of its messy
rule from 2009 to 2012. And it is in part be
cause of bad strategy. The cdpcoordinat
ed with the Japan Communist Party to put
forward unified opposition candidates in
many districts, which alienated its own
supporters. It also repelled independents,
who are around 40% of the electorate and
who turned out in relatively low numbers
this year. Overall turnout was low, too, at
just 56%. That is only a hair higher than the
54% in the previous lowerhouse election
in 2017, which was itself barely more than
the postwar record low of 53% in 2014.
Nonetheless, the results are no ringing
endorsement of the status quo. Antiestab
lishment sentiment flowed instead to an
upstart libertarian populist outfit based in
Osaka, the Japan Innovation Party, which
more than tripled its seats, from 11 to 41. It
has limited appeal beyond its home region,
and it is rare for regional parties to go na
tional in Japan.
But the upstarts’ strong showing sug
gests that voters may abandon the ldp
when presented with an alternative seen as
competent. In a recent global study theTOKYO
Thenewprimeministerstillhasto
explainwhathestandsforBeloved of bureaucratsBangladeshandIndiaSpilling over
O
nedayinOctoberDilipDashada bath,
donned a new shirt presented to him
by his son and prepared a garland of flow
ers before setting off for his local temple
in Cumilla, a city of 300,000 in eastern
Bangladesh. It was Durga Puja, the most
important festival in the Bengali Hindu
calendar. By the end of the day the 62year
old Mr Das was dead, bludgeoned by a Mus
lim mob. “What was his sin?” asks Rupa
Das, his wife. “He was just a simple man, a
washerman,” who had lived happily along
side his Muslim neighbours.
Mr Das was a victim of widespread un
rest that day in Bangladesh, which is 90%
Muslim. A copy of the Koran had been
found in one of the temporary temples
erected for the festival in Cumilla. A video
showing a police officer carrying the Is
lamic holy book, with a voiceover claim
ing it had been rescued from under the feet
of a Hindu idol, quickly went viral on Face
book and WhatsApp, unleashing a wave of
attacks on Hindus and other religious mi
norities, too. Outside the main mosque in
Dhaka, the capital, a crowd of 10,000
chanted, “Hang the culprits”. Across much
of the country Muslim rioters beat Hindus
and pillaged their property. Hundreds were
wounded and at least three died, along
with four Muslim protesters who were
gunned down by police.
Islam is the state religion in Bangla
desh. Confusingly, the constitution also
says the state is secular. (Past struggles ov
er this topic ended in a selfcontradictory
muddle.) The ruling Awami League party is
secular, but rising Islamic conservatism
has made religious minorities feel inse
cure, says Mubashar Hasan of Western
Sydney University. The Awami League, too,
has courted puritanical voters and flirted
with Islamist groups in its 12 years in pow
er. And it has often failed to prosecute
those responsible for attacks, says Rana
Dasgupta of the Bangladesh HinduBud
dhistChristian Unity Parishad, an advoca
cy group. Members of the party’s student
wing were implicated in the recent riots.
Yet in responding to the violence
Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the prime minister,
suggested it was India’s treatment of Mus
lims that was causing anger towards Hin
dus in Bangladesh. On October 14th she is
sued a warning to Narendra Modi, her Indi
an counterpart, and his supporters: “They
have to be aware that such incidents
should not take place there which wouldhave an impact on Bangladesh.”
Sheikh Hasina is not being entirely dis
ingenuous. Bangladesh is indeed affected
by regional currents, says Dr Hasan, espe
cially those in India. In 2019 Mr Modi’s Hin
dunationalist government rolled out new
rules granting an easier path to citizenship
for refugees from neighbouring coun
tries—unless they are Muslim. It has also
targeted Muslims in states bordering Ban
gladesh, whom politicians from the ru
ling Bharatiya Janata Party have labelled
“infiltrators” and “migrant termites”. In re
cent weeks hundreds have been displaced
in eviction drives. Huge protests greeted
Mr Modi when he visited Dhaka in March.
AntiIndia feelings often slide into anti
Hindu hostility, says Dr Hasan.
Events in India have triggered violence
in Bangladesh before. The country’s Hin
dus were targeted in 1992 after religious fa
natics demolished a mosque in India. This
time, however, the bloodshed in Bangla
desh triggered fresh violence in India. A
few days after the unrest abated in Cumil
la, mobs ransacked mosques and Muslims’
homes in Tripura, an Indian state just a few
miles from the city. India’s National Hu
man Rights Commission has asked local
police to respond to allegations that “the
state machinery acted like a bystander”.
In Bangladesh, in contrast, the govern
ment has arrested 583 people since Mr Das
was slain, and Sheikh Hasina has vowed to
defend religious freedom. Mr Modi, notes
Meenakshi Ganguly of Human Rights
Watch, an ngo, is mute on the mistreat
ment of Muslims in India. Majoritarianism
elsewhere in the region sets a low bar,
though. In the end, she says, statesmust
protect their own religious minorities. nThe mistreatment of minorities in one
country is causing unrest in the other