Legal Dissent: Constitutional Proposals for “Cambio” in Cuba 161
down transformation is also improbable. Today, Cuba is ruled by the
same people who have kept a grip on power for 50 years by repeatedly
opting for re-entrenchment and against deep and sustained reforms
(Corrales 2004: 36). For as long as the MCL is perceived as threaten-
ing these interests or superceding the historical Revolution, is unlikely
that they will be granted the relief from persecution and the domestic
public space they require to truly expand and disseminate their mes-
sage in the domestic sphere.
By developing their legal agenda (despite severe persecution), the
MCL has laid important structural groundwork for the next phase in
the political battle of ideas for hearts and minds. Designed to have an
incremental impact and to appeal to the middle layers of society, it
remains to be seen whether this political project can serve as an “ele-
mento aglutinador”—a catalyst to mobilize a wider civic movement or
coalition. To be credible, the legal agenda must be articulated by polit-
ical leaders who have the authority and skills to successfully imple-
ment it. A coalition between MCL dissident leaders and younger
government reformers from the ranks of disaffected stakeholders
could bring this to fruition. While greater economic development
does not necessarily lead to democracy, greater democracy is corre-
lated with greater economic prosperity (Przeworski 2000: 336). The
MCL’s legal dissent agenda will have succeeded if its contents become
a viable platform for a renewed political consensus on the future of a
democratic Cuba.
Since the Varela Project was first presented, the Americas have
seen four political referendum efforts: to recall the governor of Cali-
fornia (2003), on constitutional modifications in Venezuela (2004), on
regional autonomy Bolivia (2007), and this year, Manuel Zelaya’s
aborted attempt at a constitutional modification referendum in Hon-
duras. What in 2002 seemed an unfamiliar idea is now a fresh and rel-
evant political tactic. Referendums in Latin America are being used to
establish legitimacy, and wielded with equal avidity by opposing
groups in need of a legal lever to pry open a constructive democratic
space, and by leaders seeking to expand their power beyond existing