The Economist November 13th 2021 Asia 45
EducationinSouthAsia(2)
Levelling down
F
ewinpakistanwoulddenythatsome
thingneedstobedonetoimproveits
educationsystem.Thecountryiswellbe
hindBangladesh,IndiaandIran,andjust
barelyaboveAfghanistan,inuneducation
rankings.Lessthan60%ofpeopleover 15
canreadandwrite,havingattendedschool
onaveragefor5.2years.InBangladesh,by
contrast,theliteracyrateis74%,with6.2
yearsofeducation(seepreviousstory).
Theheadlinefigureshideasmuchas
theyreveal.Inthecountry’seliteschools,
thechildrenofthewealthystudyinEng
lishforinternationalexamsandsettheir
sightsontheworld’sbestuniversities.At
theotherendofthespectrum,23mchil
drenare notinschoolatall, withgirls
muchlesslikelythanboystobeenrolled.
Government schools, where available,
havea reputationforrotelearning.Private
schoolsofvaryingqualityfillthegap.Ma
nypoorfamiliessendtheirchildrentoma-
drasas,whichtendtoskipsubjectslikesci
enceandmaths.Somearevehiclesforex
tremistideologies.ImranKhan,theprime
minister, calls this divide “educational
apartheid”andhasvowedtogetridofit.
Suchanaimisadmirable,butthetoolof
choicehascomeinforcriticismfromaca
demics,educatorsandparents.Earlierthis
yearthegovernmentbeganrollingouta
single nationalcurriculum (snc) forall
schools,includingmadrasas. Thissetof
minimumstandardsismeanttoimprove
thequalityofteachingandboostthepros
pectsofpupils.Butitsambitionsarewider
still.Amongtheobjectiveslistedbythe
educationministryistoincrease“social
cohesionandnationalintegration”.
The newcurriculum hassofar been
rolledoutonlyinprimaryschools,butal
readysomeofitsdictatesarecausinga
backlash.Thesnchasincreasedthenum
berofsubjects,suchasgeneralknowledge,
whichmustusetextbooksinUrduorother
locallanguages rather than English. Mr
Khan,himselfanoldboyofAitchisonCol
lege, the country’s most prestigious
school,makeshiscaseinpunchypostco
lonialterms.“WhenyouacquireEnglish
mediumeducation,youadopttheentire
culture,”heargues,addingthat“yoube
come[a]slavetothatparticularculture.”
Yettheresistancetothesnc’simposi
tionoflocallanguagelearningisnotjust
anelitephenomenon.Therehavebeenre
portsofschoolsunwillingtoimplementit.
AndthereishugedemandforEnglishfrom
parents who see it as a way for their chil
dren to stand out in the job market, accord
ing to teachers. Mariam Chughtai, the di
rector of the national council drawing up
the curriculum, says the aim is not to drop
English but to elevate local languages.
“Whenwethink ‘multilingual’, we think
French, German and English. But when
yousaybilingualin Urdu and English, the
eliteslookdownupon it,” she says. Still,
“nooneisdenying the importance of Eng
lish.It’sheretostay.”
A bigger complaint is that conserva
tivesareusingthe curriculum to increase
religiousteachingin schools. Rather than
turningmadrasasinto schools, it will turn
schoolsintomadrasas, charge critics. In
deed,theeducation ministry’s list of “key
considerations”in drawing up the curricu
lumputstheteachings of the Koran at the
very top. NonMuslims need not take
classesonIslam,but religious content is
seepingintoother subjects, such as Urdu
languagelessonsthat include passages on
Muslim caliphs.The government argues
thatthereisnothing wrong with teaching
religionina religious country.
The thirdcriticism may be the most
pertinent. Pakistan’s abysmal learning
outcomesarenotso much the result of
contentasofaccess, says Jasir Shahbaz, an
educationalistinLahore. A new curricu
lumwilldolittleto fix that. “The issue is
notsomuchwhatthe kids are studying, so
muchashowmany kids are actually study
ing, orare actually understanding what
theyarestudying,” he says.
Thebattlesarelikely to intensify as old
er pupilsstartthe new curriculum next
year.MsChughtaisays it will take time for
resultstoshow.But the furore, she says, is
becausethechanges affect even the elite:
“Anytimeyoutryto bring a major policy
change,forthesmall minority ofpeople
for whom even the broken system was
working,theyaregoing to get scared.”n
I SLAMABAD
A new national curriculum sparks a
backlash in Pakistan
The write stuff
PoliticsinMyanmar
How to get a
promotion
B
efore theBurmese army took power
in a coup last February, Aung Naing Oo
was a wellspoken civil servant widely
praised for spearheading economic re
forms under the governments of Aung San
Suu Kyi, the country’s de facto leader until
the coup, and her predecessor. When the
army took over, it detained senior mem
bers of Ms Suu Kyi’s government. Yet Mr
Aung Naing Oo did not just remain free. He
was promoted by the junta to the role of in
vestment minister.
Once a darling of the international
community, Mr Aung Naing Oo, an exmil
itary officer, now speaks the junta’s lan
guage. He recently told Reuters that for
eign executives of Telenor, a Norwegian te
lecoms firm, had been barred from leaving
the country because of the regime’s need to
meet them in person. Myanmar’s current
economic crisis, he argued, was caused in
part by “sabotage” backed by foreign states.
After previous coups, Myanmar’s gener
als did not immediately invite civilians on
to their ruling councils. This time is differ
ent. Several civilians sit on their council,
and in their caretaker government, too.
Nine of 28 cabinet ministers are civilians.
Six ministers were senior civil servants in
the ousted government, suggesting the
junta wants to project a sense of continu
ity. Eight cabinet members served under
the presidency of Thein Sein, an exgeneral
who, between 2011 and 2016, created a
“businessfriendly but militarycontrolled
state”, which the junta seems to want to re
create, write researchers at iseas, a think
tank in Singapore.
Why the top brass has included civil
ians in its government seems clear. Why
civilians would want to work for the gener
als is less obvious. Some may not have had
“much of a choice when asked by the mili
tary”, says Ye Salween, the pseudonym of a
Burmese analyst based in Yangon. They
may also not have expected the coup to
meet with the overwhelming public oppo
sition that it did.
There are more petty reasons, too. Sev
eral ministers hold grudges against the
junta’s archrival, Ms Suu Kyi. In 2019 she
reassigned Mr Aung Naing Oo from the
government’s investment agency, which
he ran, to the investment ministry, making
him permanent secretary. This was widely
regarded as a demotion—though appar
ently not by Mr Aung Naing Oo, who says
that it was a promotion and that he bears
YANGON
Some civilian politicians are working
for the murderous generals