gion of Indonesia and most of the practitioners of silat are Islam, super-
naturalism in this area has been influenced by Buddhism, Hinduism (par-
ticularly in Bali), and especially animism. Animism (the concept of an out-
side power that can be tapped by adepts, which dates from the pre-Islamic
period) is a particularly important principle in the supernaturalism that
permeates silat. The principle of animism is fundamental to shamanism,
and in the region shamans often practice silek. A form of power roughly
similar to the Chinese concept of qi also potentially comes from an inner
source (tenaga batin) and it may be generated through silek and spiritual
exercises. Mantras and amulets are used for protection, and in some styles,
the self-stabbing “kris dance” associated with the Balinese ritual drama of
Rangda is practiced. These principles are reminiscent of Chinese and Indian
yogic tradtions as well as animism. Further, Islamic Sufism supports the be-
lief in Ilmu(Indonesian; science, esoteric knowledge), a supernatural power
that allows silat practitioners at higher levels to induce a form of posses-
sion by animal spirits that James Wilson regards as the heritage of animism.
Ilmu is related to but not same as tenaga dalam. This traditional esoteric
power is not “recognized” in “official” silat circles. In fact, schools that
utilize tenaga dalam are not allowed membership in IPSI—Ikatan Pencak
Silat Indonesia (Wilson 1993, 23).
Certain styles of silat rely exclusively on supernatural power rather
than physical methods. Opponents can be struck by the power of the adept,
or one can use power to defend against strikes from attackers. Tenaga
dalam can also be used for healing (Wilson). These styles, such as the Bali-
nese Joduk style as characterized by Draeger and Smith, are secretive arts
that prepare initiates for combat by means of hypnotism, autosuggestion,
and trances. The sources of inner strength tapped are similar to those man-
ifested in the Balinese kris dance, in which participants attain a frenzied
state in which they turn their daggers on themselves.
During the period of Dutch colonialism, the practice of pentjak silat
was repressed, but not extinguished. During the Japanese occupation dur-
ing World War II, silat, as a potential tool for resistance, enjoyed a revital-
ization. When the Dutch attempted to return to control, natives of the ar-
chipelago turned to silat as a “secret weapon” for liberation—often
because of the supernatural powers it was said to develop. Among practi-
tioners of the art, at least, the successful transition from colony to nation
was attributed to the power engendered through the practice of silat. Some
silat systems both in Indonesia and Malaysia continue involvement in po-
litical action.
The last half of the twentieth century saw efforts to standardize pent-
jak silat. Modern federations such as Persatuan Pentjak Silat Selurah In-
donesia (PPSI) attempted to standardize pentjak silat. Bhakti Negara (which
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