The “original” contents of the Gr.hya texts (Oldenberg 1892), however, have
been influenced by the much more predominant ritual form, that of the S ́rauta
ritual (Gonda 1977, B. K. Smith 1986). Thus, even in the supposedly “simple”
domestic ritual, the activity of the yajama ̄nawas superseded by the actions of the
Brahmin house priest (purohita). However, there is only a single fire as compared
to the 3–5 of the S ́rauta ritual, and many of the simple Gr.hya rituals have coun-
terparts in the solemn S ́rauta ones, including the morning and evening offer-
ings (homa), the New and Full Moon offerings, etc. Their exact (pre)history is
difficult to establish.
This is different, as indicated, for marriage and death as even the RV contains
hymns devoted to marriage (10.85, expanded in AV 14, PS 18.1–14) and to
funerals (10.14–18, AV 18, PS 18.57–82); in addition, PS 20 even contains
some of the actual dialogue of the upanayanarituals (cf. S ́B 11, TA ̄2, TU 1.11,
Kat.hS ́iU), similar to the verbal exchanges at the marriage ceremony (Kajihara
2002). The rather composite RV marriage hymn is a recounting of the mythical
origin and prototype of human marriage, that of the goddess Su ̄rya ̄ with Soma.
Some marriage features of the GS (Apte 1978, Winternitz 1892, Zachariae
1977, 1989, Tsuji 1960) are clearly present in the RV, others are not yet men-
tioned (the circumambulation of the fire, the mounting of the stone, the gazing
at the pole-star) but already appear in the AV. The funeral hymns clearly describe
cremation, though the RV also refers to burial, exposure on trees and “throwing
away” of the dead body. Satı ̄was not practiced (Witzel 1996); in fact, there is
evidence for levirate marriage (Schmidt 1987). Much space is given in the GS to
ancestor worship (Caland 1893, 1896, 1914, Winternitz 1892).
The yearly return of the Veda student to his teacher (Heesterman 1985)
follows a period of about half a year away from “school” when the young men
(marya) were members in a Vra ̄tya Männerbund, as reflected already in some
earlier Vedic texts (cf. AV 15, PS 18; Falk 1986, Bollée 1981, Heesterman, 1981:
251–71). The vra ̄tyas, frequently still misunderstood as semi- or non-A ̄rya, live
a roaming, independent and promiscuous life while trying to collect a “starting
capital” of cattle, by threatening, from the settled section of society. They are
reflected, in the divine sphere by the daivya vra ̄tya, the Gandharvas (Vasilkov
1991).
Women are not prominently discussed in these and other Vedic texts (Jamison
1996), though their role in the sam.ska ̄ras of marriage and child birth is of course
prominent. However, the role of women in the Upanis.ads is usually overstated.
The only(!) two famous ones, Ga ̄rgı ̄ and Maitreyı ̄, are inserted – just like
Ks.atriyas and kings, or the son of a god, Bhr.gu – at critical, innovative or strik-
ing junctures of a dialogue. Yet, there also is clear, though sparse evidence of
female learned activity, such as at BA ̄U 6.4.17 which has a prescription of how
to obtain a female R.s.i in one’s family, as is indeed mentioned for the Atri clan
(JB 2.219).
Just as the AV Sam.hita ̄s, the “Gr.hya Su ̄tra” of the AV (Kaus ́S, Bloomfield
1889, Caland 1900) contains many facets of early Indian life that would oth-
erwise escape us. The text uses the same, magical system of homologies that cor-
88 michael witzel