a controlled disorder.” This “controlled disorder” does not take a traditional
ritual form, however. Rather, it manifests itself in the enacted details of reli-
gious practice that, while specifiable, are also variable. Jeff Tilton (1978:582)
points out that, “There is no printed program, no set order, but the people
know what to expect.” Similarly, Ezra Griffith, John Young and Dorothy Smith
(1984:465) note that the “... services followed a definite pattern.” According
to Timothy Nelson (1996), Pentecostal worship services exhibit a pattern of
ritual activities, feeling rules, and behavioral norms.
Pastors and practitioners of the religion treat the order of practiceitself as
the primary evidence of spiritual presence. Until an apparently spontaneous,
but nevertheless expected and recognizable order to the service is evident, it
is believed that spiritual presence cannot be and has not been achieved.
Michael Harrison (1974:395) explained that Pentecostals characterize their
services as involving a tension between spontaneity and order:
The Pentecostals point to the remarkable spontaneity and unity of the meet-
ing as evidence of the Spirit’s guidance. The subtle influences of the leader
and other older members on the character of the meeting and the reoccur-
rence of patterns of expression from week to week only become apparent
after one attends several meetings.Harrison argued that a surface appearance of social disorder masks the under-
lying importance of the social order of the service, because the apparently
spontaneous achievement of order is interpreted as evidence that the Holy
Spirit is directing the service. Thus, in an effective service the local order of
practices remains what Garfinkel (1967) referred to as “taken for granted.”^9
The practices vary from church to church and have local congregational
histories. Yet, in each case, achieving just this local order of practice is the cri-
teria for believing that the Holy Spirit is directing the service.
Like other faiths, the Assemblies of God organization has official religious
beliefs, or tenets. These tenets are referred to as “Fundamental Truths” (General
Council of the Assemblies of God 2001). At the very top of the list, is the
belief that the Bible is the inspired word of God, meaning that it is infallible,
and that it is the ultimate authority on all matters of faith and conduct. Thus,
260 • Bonnie Wright and Anne Warfield Rawls
(^9) Local Interaction Orders are always taken for granted as practices in details. But,
in institutional contexts they usually develop elaborate systems of institutional
justification and narrative.