greatly expanded over the past thirty years (Barrera and Garza de
Cortes 1997, Nieto 1997). In their stories and poetry, authors Alma
Flor Ada, Sandra Cisneros, Francisco Jimenez, and Pat Mora, vary the
degree to which they use different variations (or types) of CE. These
critically acclaimed authors demonstrate how individuals choose to
use different varieties of English to fulfill particular purposes.
The term Chicana/Chicano English is not used by sociolinguists
to refer to the emergent language spoken by ELs. CE is not
interlanguage or a case in which words from Spanish are introduced
into English. It is also important to dispel any misconceptions that CE is code-switching, Spanglish,
bad grammar, street slang, or only used by poor and working class Mexican Americans (Fought 2003).
As with AAE, CE may also be spoken by middle-class persons who use this dialect as an important
marker of identity and as a sign of solidarity with their culture and community. Vigil (2012, 291)
suggests that most Chicanas/Chicanos view themselves as additive acculturationists, that is, they
intentionally use the label Chicana/Chicano (and Latina/Latino) as a marker of self-determination and
pride:
It challenges the stereotype that Chicanos are inferior or culturally deprived (Alaniz and
Cornish, 2008; de la Garza, 1979). The term ‘Chicano’ implies pride in a background of
many and mixed heritages and the versatility to widen one’s sociocultural persona. This
orientation of additive acculturation, in which the dominant culture is learned and the
native style is kept, will help to lead American citizens away from ethnocentrism (Gibson
and Ogbu, 1991; Vigil and Long, 1981).... Another way to look at it is that a person can
have ‘multiple’ identities and not just ‘one self per customer’ (Shrewder and Markus, 1995).Vigil (2012) suggests that these notions of “cultural expansion” and “cultural democracy,” where
people’s identities are not one-dimensional, but rather, influenced by many cultures and languages, is
critical to a “panhuman” awareness, “in which a global economy requires, minimally, an open mind to
the development of a global culture” (291).
Children and youth who live in predominantly bilingual
settings may choose to mix English and Spanish during
conversations, engaging in what many young people themselves
call Spanglish and which most linguists refer to as Spanish-
English code-switching, a common practice in bilingual
communities worldwide (e.g., Auer 1998). Contrary to popular
belief, the most frequent reason for code-switching is not gaps
in vocabulary or a lack of proficiency in either of the languages
used. Rather, research has shown that most code-switching is in
fact a deliberate and creative way of using language to establish
social identity and affiliation with a language community as
well as for other communicative purposes (Milroy and Muyksen
1995; Zentella 1997). In a study of sixth graders in East Los Angeles, for example, Martínez (2010)
found that, as a result of this hybrid use of English and Spanish, students “used Spanish in creative,
skillful, and intelligent ways to make meaning in social interaction” (Martínez 2010, 125). Furthermore,
Martínez argues the following:
Spanglish is a dynamic and creative language practice that has tremendous untapped
potential as a tool for literacy teaching and learning. Leveraging Spanglish as a
resource... could have a transformative impact on these students’ academic literacy
development by helping them to recognize, draw on, and extend the skills already
embedded in their everyday use of language.Chicana/Chicano
English is a
sociolinguistic asset
and not something in
need of eliminating or
fixing.The term Chicana/Chicano
English is not used by
sociolinguists to refer to
the emergent language
spoken by ELs. CE is not
interlanguage or a case in
which words from Spanish
are introduced into English.Access and Equity Chapter 9 | 887