210 Chapter 6pursuit of different activities by their emotional
reactions to performance (e.g., joy rather than
contentment with a child’s A on an exam), in-
terest shown in the activity, toys and opportu-
nities provided to pursue an activity, time spent
with the child on an activity, and direct advice
to pursue an activity (Eccles et al., 2000). For
example, parents who believe boys are better
than girls at math might buy a son a calcula-
tor, play math games with him, or teach him
how to calculate baseball averages. They also
might work with a son on math homework and
express high praise to him for good math per-
formance and great disappointment for poor
math performance. These same parents may
not provide a daughter with math-related op-
portunities, not encourage her to spend time
on math homework, and show indifference to
reports of high or low grades in math. In one
study, fathers were found to use more cogni-
tively complex language when talking with
sons than daughters about science (e.g., asking
more conceptual questions, using more dif-
ficult vocabulary), which conveys the impor-
tance of science to sons (Tenenbaum & Leaper,
2003). Research has also shown that parents
encourage computer usage, math and sci-
ence, and sports for sons more than daughters
by buying sons more items related to those ac-
tivities and by spending more time with sons
than daughters engaged in these activities
(Fredricks, Simpkins, & Eccles., 2005; Jacobs
et al., 2005; Simpkins et al., 2005). Just the op-
posite occurs for girls compared to boys in
the area of music. These behaviors are subse-
quently linked to children pursuing the activi-
ties that parents encourage. To the extent the
child pursues the activities, performance is
affected. The theoretical model by which par-
ents may influence children’s abilities is shown
in Figure 6.12.
Parents’ beliefs about their children’s
abilities are especially likely to influence thecontrolling behavior with sons but controlling
behavior alone with daughters. It is the con-
trolling behavior that could undermine chil-
dren’s perceptions of competence.
We know that parents have different be-
liefs about their children’s abilities. The next
question is whether those beliefs influence
the children’s own perceptions of their abil-
ity. A study of fourth, sixth, and eighth graders
showed that perceptions of adult stereotypes
influenced children’s beliefs about females and
males in general and about their own abilities
(Kurtz-Costes et al., 2008). Parents encouraged
computer usage in boys more than girls, and
boys ended up believing that they were better
at computers compared to girls (Vekiri &
Chronaki, 2008). Longitudinal research has
shown that parents believe that their sons have
greater ability in sports, math, and science
than their daughters, and that their daughters
have greater ability in music than their sons
(Fredricks, Simpkins, & Eccles, 2005; Jacobs,
Vernon, & Eccles, 2005). And, those beliefs
predict children holding these same percep-
tions of their abilities at a later time. Parents’
beliefs translate into children’s beliefs about
their own abilities even when one controls
for the objective grades children receive from
teachers (Neuenschwander et al., 2007). Par-
ents’ beliefs about their children’s abilities may
affect how children interpret those grades.
The next question is whether parents’
beliefs influence children’s actual abilities, not
just the children’s perceptions of their abilities.
In other words, do parents’ stereotypes about
boys and girls become self-fulfilling prophe-
cies so their sons and daughters differ in their
abilities as parents expect? The answer isyes;
parents’ beliefs influence children’s actual aca-
demic achievements, again independent of
actual grades (Neuenschwander et al., 2007).
Parents can influence their children’s abilities
in a myriad of ways. Parents encourage theM06_HELG0185_04_SE_C06.indd 210 6/21/11 8:10 AM