50 Middle East & Africa The Economist December 4th 2021
T
his yearthedriversofFormula1 (f1)
madea change:insteadofcelebrating
aftera racebysprayingeachotherwith
champagne,theyswitchedtosparkling
wine.Nottobefrugal—f1 isnotthatkind
ofsport—butbecauseofa newsponsor
shipdeal.OfficialsinSaudiArabiafacea
harderdecision.Thekingdom,which
willhosta raceonDecember5th,bans
alcohol.Some,though,thinkit may
loosenupfortheevent.“Champagneis
partoftheceremony,”saysa royalad
viser.“Jeddah[thehostcity]willhave
seennothinglikeit.”
Saudiwatcherspredictboozyparties
onyachtsand,perhaps,atselectvenues
onland.Thatwouldbeinkeepingwith
thereformsofMuhammadbinSalman,
thecrownprince,whohasignoredpuri
tanicalclericsandcurbedthemorality
police,whilebreakingtaboosbyopening
upcinemasandlettingwomendrive.
Concertswerelargelyprohibitednot
longago;nowfemaledjs jiveinpublic.
Thef1 racecouldmarktheliftingofthe
alcoholban,saysa seniorofficial.
Thekingdomisreconsideringalcohol
asit triestoluretouristsawayfrom
destinationsliketheUnitedArabEmir
ates(uae), whichhaslongallowedfor
eignerstopartakeandlegaliseddrinking
foreveryonelastyear.PrinceMuham
mad hasinvestedincruiseshipsthat
servealcoholoffshoreandcarvedout
vastroyalpreserveswiththeirown(non
Islamic)bylaws.Hehostsa RedSeafesti
valwherespiritsflow.Luxuryhotelsare
goinguponthecoastandneartourist
sitesinland.A launchpartyforonein
Octoberfeaturedillicitsangríalacedwith
whisky(whichdeservestobebannedfor
badtastealone)anda raveonthesand.
SomeofPrinceMuhammad’sadvisers
wanthimtoenlistliberalclericstohelp
explaintoSaudiswhywhatwasonce
haram(forbidden)maysoonbehalal
(permitted).“Thesin[ofdrinkingwine]
isgreaterthanthebenefit,”saysthe
Koranrathermildly.Itdoesnotprescribe
a punishmentfortheact,thoughSaudi
judgeshavebeenknowntosentence
offendersto 80 ormorelashes.Forcen
turiestheearlycaliphshostedparties
withalcoholandletjuristsargueover
whetherIslambannedallboozeorjust
thatfromfermentedgrapes.
“We’reopeningourcountryuptothe
world,”saysKhalidalFaisal,a royal
overseeingtheraceinJeddah.Still,there
arereasonstothinkthatthepodium,at
least,willbedry.Bahrain,Qatarandthe
uaehaveallhostedcarraces—andused
blanderfizzydrinks,suchassparkling
rosewater,onthewinner’sstand.Years
agoanf1 teamsponsoredbySaudiAra
bia’sstateairlinecelebrated(inpublic)
withorangejuice.Itgottheirclothesjust
aswetaschampagnewouldhavedone.
BoozeinSaudiArabia
Drinking and driving
Willa carracemarktheendofthekingdom’sbanonalcohol?
Aratherun-Saudicelebration
purity (a bomb requires about 25kg of
weaponsgrade uranium). It has also start
ed turning gaseous uranium into solid
metal, a key step in bombmaking. On De
cember 1st the agency reported that Iran
had begun installing advanced centrifuges
and spinning uranium up to 20% at For
dow, a fortified site dug into a mountain
where the jcpoaforbids any enrichment.
Before this round of talks, Iran indicat
ed it would not discuss its own violations,
only America’s. It wants an apology for Mr
Trump’s withdrawal, along with compen
sation and a promise that it will not hap
pen again. Reasonable as it may seem,
some of this is impossible. America cannot
provide such a guarantee—nor, for that
matter, can the deal’s other signatories, in
cluding Iran itself.
Meanwhile, Iran’s nuclear activity may
soon render the jcpoairrelevant. Even if
forbidden work is halted, Iran has gained
valuable knowhow that cannot be forgot
ten. American officials say time is short to
restore the deal, but refuse to say what
would constitute an irreparable step on
Iran’s part. “We’ll know it when we see it,”
says Rob Malley, America’s lead negotiator.
Enrique Mora, the eu’s top diplomat,
said on November 29th that Iran had at last
agreed to discuss not only sanctions but al
so its own activities. Such is the dire state
of the deal that this qualifies as progress.
Hardliners in Tehran believe the jcpoa
is not worth the effort. America, they ar
gue, will preserve nonnuclear sanctions
that hobble Iran’s economy. They would
rather shun the West, pursue trade with
China and focus on building a socalled
“resistance economy” at home.
Yet recent events back home expose the
futility of this approach. Residents of Isfa
han, in central Iran, have held weeks of
protests in the Zayandeh Roud (pictured), a
driedup riverbed that snakes through the
city. Farmers started the demonstration,
angry about a long drought that has ruined
their livelihoods. The government, they
said, has done little to help.
Water shortages are common in Iran.
The un says that available water per person
has dropped by 28% over the past three de
cades, to 1,675 cubic metres a year, a level it
defines as “water stress”. In July there were
protests in Khuzestan, a southwestern
province, after residents went for days
without running water in scorching heat.
The drought is not directly linked to
sanctions: it stems from decades of mis
management, waterintensive farming
and climate change. Yet even a more atten
tive government would find it hard to fix
such problems while under sanctions that
limit access to both foreign technology and
hard currency.
That will be a problem for Mr Raisi, who
campaigned on a pledge to tackle Iran’s
myriad socioeconomic woes. He scored an
early win on the pandemic: 54% of Irani
ans are now fully vaccinated, up from 3%
when he took office. It helped that Ali Kha
menei, the supreme leader, dropped his
objections to Western vaccines just around
the time when Mr Raisi was inaugurated.
The new president has made a point of
embarking on weekly listening tours to
outlying provinces. What he has heard is
frustration. The rial has lost 86% of its val
ue in the past five years. Though inflation
eased last month, it is still running at 44%
a year. Prices for staple foods like milk,
bread and eggs are rising even faster. In re
cent years there have been frequent prot
ests over living conditions, despite a some
times brutal crackdown by the authorities.
Some interlocutors have sought to ap
peal to Iran’s selfinterest. Even if Mr
Trump (or someone like him) returned to
power in 2025, reviving the jcpoa now
would give Iran three years of reduced
sanctions and opportunities for foreign in
vestment: better, surely, to face the next
round of “maximum pressure” from a
stronger position. Mr Raisi andhisboss,
Mr Khamenei, will have to decidewhether
such pragmatism trumps ideology.n