both the powerful and the weak through
time.I am not here necessarily laying claims of
racism at the feet of donor, NGO and state
officials. Rather, conceptions about race and
difference change over time, and must be
examined historically as malleable factors of
life.^51 Even though there is undoubtedly
continuity in the ideas and the structure
that the postcolonial has inherited from the
colonial, these ideas are used and manipu-
lated in ways specific to the postcolonial
condition. Thus, although these ideas reap-
pear in independent Zambia, they are not
simply spewed out as repetitive verse, but
in ways that are relevant to the logic of the
time and place in which they are used.
Thus, race – as a measure of physical differ-
ence – may play less of a role in independ-
ent Zambia than it did in colonial Northern
Rhodesia. However, the category of the
“other” continues to be actively employed to
distinguish between different groups. As a
result, actors within the wildlife sector still
maintain a grammar of difference about
other groups according to a bundling of
traits that may include physical differences,
but are more likely to center upon where
people reside, their ethnicity, nationality,
class, or education level. Each of these traits
is then understood as representing a group
that is either naïve or thoughtful, savage or
civilised, traditional or modern, and natural
or cultured. This is evident in the myriad
relations between donors, the state, rural
actors, and the safari industry and how they
continue to approach wildlife conservation
and utilisation in Zambia.Notes(^1) Hammond and Jablow, 1977:16; Mudimbe, 1994;
Pieterse, 1992:30-39.
(^2) Hammond and Jablow, 1977:23.
(^3) Achebe, 1978:2,13.
(^4) Cooper and Stoler, 1997:7.
(^5) My conclusions should in no way reflect upon the hard
work and dedication of CBNRM proponents in Zambia,
many of whom I respect greatly. On the contrary, it is
submitted in the hope of giving us pause for thought
about the direction, aims and future of CBNRM in
Zambia.
(^6) James Morris quoted in Hochschild, 1999:212.
(^7) Hammond and Jablow, 1977:64-65.
(^8) Mudimbe, 1994:4.
(^9) Neumann, 1998:128-129; Pieterse, 1992:34f.
(^10) Letcher, 1987:244.
(^11) Letcher, 1987:255 italics added.
(^12) Neumann, 1998:108.
(^13) Derricourt, 1985:126.
(^14) Derricourt, 1985:126.
(^15) Gibson, 1999; Manspeizer, 2004; Marks, 1984.
(^16) Marks, 1976; Morris, 2000.
(^17) Anderson and Grove, 1987; Marks, 1984.
(^18) MacKenzie, 1988.
(^19) Neumann, 2001.
(^20) Iliffe, 1979:326, quoted in Neumann 1998.
(^21) Bratton, 1980 for northeast Zambia; Crehan, 1997 for
northern Zambia.
(^22) Astle, 1999:52.
(^23) Astle, 1999:52.
(^24) Neumann, 1998:104-105.
(^25) Virmani, 1989.
(^26) James, 1999:14.
(^27) Saasa and Carlsson, 1996.
(^28) Abrahamsen, 2000.
(^29) Townsend, Porter, and Mawdsley, 2002:83.
(^30) Astle, 1999; Gibson, 1999; Lewis and Carter, 1993;
Marks, 1991.
(^31) Lewis, 1993:97.
(^32) Wilson, 1964.
(^33) Townsend, Porter, and Mawdsley, 2002:833.
(^34) Zambia Wildlife Act, 1998.
(^35) Zambia Wildlife Act, 1998.
(^36) Ferradas, 1998:21.
(^37) Lewis and Carter, 1993:87.
(^38) Agrawal and Gibson, 2001; Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997.
(^39) CRB members are restricted to those above a certain age
with a minimum education requirement, so that CRB
members will be both elder representatives and are able
to read and write in English.
(^40) Manspeizer, 2004.
(^41) ADMADE Sustainability Project, 1999:5.
(^42) Garland, 1999:80.
(^43) Lewis and Carter, 1993.
(^44) Ranger, 1996:273.
(^45) Gledhill, 1994:70.
(^46) Trouillot, 1995.
(^47) Elliot, 1991.
(^48) Neumann, 2001:322-323.
(^49) Grove, 1995.
(^50) Daniels, 1997.
(^51) Wade, 2002.
Conservation aas ccultural aand ppolitical ppractice
Ilyssa Manspeizer([email protected])
is a recipient of a STAR research Fellowship and
has recently completed her dissertation in the
anthropology department at Binghamton
University, New York. Following a temporary leave
in her other job as mother, she will be looking to
return to full-time conservation employment.