Encyclopedia of Sociology

AGING AND THE LIFE COURSE

testing and refining multiple middle-range theo-
ries and concepts that are central to sociological
research. A few examples will illustrate this point.
Research on health and disability during late life
has been enriched by attention to issues of social
stress and social support; conversely, the older
population has proven to be ideal for testing theo-
retical propositions about the effects of stress and
social support. Similarly, the issue of social inte-
gration, which has an honored tradition in sociolo-
gy, has been reactivated in studies of older adults,
who vary widely in number and quality of links to
social structure. And issues such as the ‘‘feminization
of poverty’’ and the ‘‘double/triple jeopardy hy-
pothesis’’ (i.e., the potential interacting depriva-
tions associated with being female, nonwhite, and
old) have highlighted the extent to which socioeco-
nomic stratification rests on ascribed rather than
achieved statuses.

LIFE-COURSE DYNAMICS

While the issue of heterogeneity focuses attention
on differences across individuals, life-course dy-
namics focus on the persisting effects of social
factors over time and stages of life; that is, on
intraindividual change. At least three types of life-
course studies have received substantial attention
in aging research.

The Intersection of History and Personal
Biography. There now is substantial evidence that
historical events can permanently alter personal
lives. Most research to date has focused on two
historical events: the Great Depression and World
War II; both historical events have been linked to
life circumstances during late life. Elder (1974,
1999) has compellingly documented, for example,
that entering the labor market during the Depres-
sion had a permanent negative effect on occupa-
tion and income, which in turn affected socioeco-
nomic status during late life. In contrast, younger
men, who entered the labor force immediately
after World War II experienced historically unparalled
occupational opportunities (and, if they were vet-
erans, government-subsidized college educations).

Other studies by Elder and colleagues focused
on the life-course consequences of combat experi-
ence during World War II (Elder, Shanahan, and
Clipp 1994, 1997). Exposure to combat was strongly
related to subsequent health problems, not only

immediately after the war, but also during late life.

Social factors loom large in these dynamics. First,

social factors were strongly predictive of which

soldiers were exposed to combat. Second, social

resources and deprivations were strong predictors

of the onset or avoidance of health problems.

The effects of historical events on the life

course appear on two levels. When an historical

event is pervasive, one method of observing its

effects is via cohort differences. That is, an event

with wide-ranging effects will render those who

experience it discernibly different from cohorts

that come before and after it. At the same time,

historical events do not have the same immediate

or long-term consequences for all members of a

cohort. For example, families were differentially

affected by the economic dislocations of the De-

pression, with some suffering extensive economic

deprivation and others experiencing little or no

change in their economic fortunes. Thus, not eve-

ryone who ‘‘lives through’’ a major historical event

will experience serious life-course consequences.

One of the tasks of the life-course scholar is to

identify the social factors that determine whether

or not an historical event alters personal biography.

The Persisting Effects of Early Traumas and

Deprivations. A second research focus that illus-

trates the power of life-course perspectives is inves-

tigation of the consequences of early traumas and

deprivations on well-being in middle and late life.

A growing body of research documents the far-

reaching effects of severe childhood experiences—

including parental divorce and, to a lesser extent,

parental death; childhood poverty; and childhood

physical and sexual abuse—on the course of adult-

hood. Most research to date has focused on the

implications of these traumas and deprivations on

physical and mental health (e.g., Krause 1998;

Landerman, George, and Blazer 1991). The ro-

bust relationships between events experienced dur-

ing childhood and health fifty to sixty years later,

controlling on contemporaneous risk factors for

morbidity, is strong evidence of the power of

fateful events to alter the life course.

Again, social factors are strongly implicated in

the processes that account for the relationships

between childhood traumas and health and well-

being during late life. First, the availability of social

resources at the time of the trauma can dampen its

negative effects in both the short and the long