ADOLESCENCEnot been possible in the Old World because of the
‘‘licentiousness of youth’’ (Moran 1991; for the
related problem of adolescent pregnancy, see Smith
and Hindus 1975; Vinovskis 1988). Likewise, con-
temporary debates about whether adolescents
should be allowed to engage in paid work echo
exchanges over child labor laws a century ago
(Zelizer 1985). Analogous observations could be
made about drug abuse, violence in schools, gangs,
and troubled urban youth with diminished prospects.
Yet each generation of adults insists that its
adolescence is uniquely vulnerable to social change
and the problems that come with it. Indeed, this
orientation has spawned a large and often alarmist
and contradictory literature about the American
adolescent (see Graff 1995, especially Chap. 6).
Although many strands of scientific evidence show
that adolescence as a state of semiautonomy has
lengthened over the past several decades, a torrent
of books nonetheless warn of ‘‘the end of adoles-
cence.’’ And although many studies show that
adolescence is not a period of sudden and perva-
sive distress, scientific journals devoted to adoles-
cence are filled with contributions examining psy-
chological disorder, substance use, antisocial behavior,
sexually transmitted disease, delinquency, trou-
bled relationships with parents, and poor academ-
ic performance. Denials of ‘‘storm and stress’’
frequently accompany implicit statements of ‘‘doom
and gloom.’’
Unfortunately, these negative images run the
risk of defining adolescence (Graff 1995). Studies
and social commentaries that highlight the trou-
bled nature of youth may alert the public to social
problems in need of redress, but they may also
create dominant cultural images that ultimately
define what it means to be an adolescent in nega-
tive terms, breeding intergenerational mistrust
and, among youth, alienation (Adelson 1986).
In this context of research and representation,
sociology has much to contribute to an under-
standing of adolescence. What is needed are bal-
anced accounts of their lived experiences and how
these vary by social class, race, gender, and other
indicators of inequality. These descriptions need
to be situated in both place and time. Place refers
to the many contexts of youth, encompassing fami-
lies and neighborhoods, urban and rural distinc-
tions, ideologies, modes of production, and na-
tional and international trends. Time refers to the
history of youth, with its many continuities and
discontinuities, but it also refers to the life course,
how adolescence fits into the patterned sequence
of life’s phases. Through such efforts, sociologists
can contribute to public discourse about youth
and comprehend this discourse as being itself a
product of social forces.(SEE ALSO: Adulthood; Juvenile Delinquency and Juven-
ile Crime; Juvenile Delinquency, Theories of; The Life
Course)REFERENCES
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Anderson, Michael 1971 Family Structure in Nineteenth
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Ariés, Philippe 1962 Centuries of Childhood: A Social
History of Family Life. Translated by Robert Baldick.
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Arnett, Jeffrey J., and Susan Taber 1994 ‘‘Adolescence
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Bachman, Jerald G. 1983 ‘‘Premature Affluence: Do
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———, and John Schulenberg 1993 ‘‘How Part-time
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