Encyclopedia of Sociology

(Marcin) #1
CRIMINAL AND DELINQUENT SUBCULTURES

Tittle, Charles R. 1995 Control Balance. Boulder, Colo.:
Westview.


Trasler, Gordon 1987 ‘‘Biogenetic Factors.’’ In Herbert
C. Quay, ed., Handbook of Juvenile Delinquency. New
York: Wiley.


Turk, Austin T. 1982 Political Criminality. Beverly Hills,
Calif.: Sage.


van Dijk, Jan J., Pat Mayhew, and Martin Killias 1990
Experiences of Crime Across the World. Deventer, The
Netherlands: Kluwer Law and Taxation Publishers.


DON C. GIBBONS

CRIMINAL AND DELINQUENT
SUBCULTURES


A subculture is derivative of, but different from,
some larger referential culture. The term is used
loosely to denote shared systems of norms, values,
or interests that set apart some individuals, groups,
or other aggregation of people from larger socie-
ties and from broader cultural systems. Common
examples include youth subcultures, ethnic sub-
cultures, regional subcultures, subcultures associ-
ated with particular occupations, and subcultures
that develop among people who share special
interests such as bird-watching, stamp collecting,
or a criminal or delinquent behavior pattern.


Neither membership in a particular category
(age, ethnicity, place of residence, occupation) nor
behavior (bird-watching, stamp collecting, crime,
or delinquency) is sufficient to define a subcul-
ture, however. The critical elements are, rather,
(1) the degree to which values, norms, and identi-
ties associated with membership in a category or
types of behaviors are shared, and (2) the nature of
relationships, within some larger cultural system,
between those who share these elements and those
who do not.


In these terms, criminal or delinquent subcul-
tures denote systems of norms, values, or interests
that support criminal or delinquent behavior. The
many behaviors specified in law as criminal or
delinquent are associated with many criminal and
delinquent subcultures. The norms, values, or in-
terests of these subcultures may support particular
criminal acts, a limited set of such acts (e.g., a
subculture of pickpockets vs. a subculture of
hustlers). ‘‘Professional criminals,’’ for example,
take pride in their craft, organize themselves for


the safe and efficient performance of the crimes in
which they specialize, and generally avoid other
types of criminal involvement that might bring
them to the attention of the authorities (see Suth-
erland 1937; Cressey 1983). Not all criminal sub-
cultures are this specific, however. Some are sim-
ply opportunistic, embracing several types of
criminal behavior as opportunities arise. So it is
with delinquent subcultures, where specializa-
tion is rare.
While delinquent subcultures typically are as-
sociated with a broad range of illegal behaviors,
among delinquent groups and subcultures there is
great variation in the nature and strength of group
norms, values, and interests. Moreover, the extent
to which delinquent behavior is attributable to
these factors is problematic. Much delinquent be-
havior of highly delinquent gangs, for example,
results from the operation of group processes
rather than group norms per se (see Short 1997).
The normative properties of groups vary greatly,
but even the most delinquent gang devotes rela-
tively little of its group life to the pursuit of delin-
quent behaviors. Further, when gangs do partici-
pate in delinquent episodes, some members of the
gang typically do not become involved. This is so,
in part, because subcultures typically consist of
collections of normative orders—rules and practices
related to a common value (Herbert 1998)—rath-
er than norms oriented around a single value
(such as being ‘‘macho,’’ ‘‘cool,’’ or exceptionally
gifted in some way). In addition, individuals who
are associated with a particular subculture tend
also to be associated with other subcultures. Sim-
ply being associated with a subculture thus is
unlikely to be a good predictor of the behavior of a
particular individual.

For analytical purposes it is important to dis-
tinguish between subcultures and the particular
individuals and groups who share the norms, val-
ues, and interests of the subculture. While mem-
bers of a delinquent gang may be the sole carriers
of a particular subculture in a particular location,
some subcultures are shared by many gangs. Con-
flict subcultures, for example, are shared by rival
fighting gangs among whom individual and group
status involves values related to the defense of
‘‘turf’’ (territory) and ‘‘rep’’ (reputation) and norms
supportive of these values. Subcultures oriented to
theft and other forms of property crime vary in the
extent to which they are associated with particular
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