ADULTHOODto a cohort at critical phases of its life course
(Shanahan and Elder 1999).
As the process of acquiring adultlike markers
of transition becomes more complex and ambigu-
ous, a wide variety of psychological orientations—
including aspirations, values, goals, life plans, self-
concepts, and identities—may become increasing-
ly determinative of subsequent outcomes (Mortimer
1996). In fact, both general (Bandura 1996) and
facet-specific (Grabowski et al. 1998) dimensions
of efficacy are predictive of goal-directed behavior
and achievement. Fact-specific orientations include
expectations relevant to particular spheres, such
as school and work.
The social structural conditions and circum-
stances that enable some young people to contin-
ue to pursue their goals despite obstacles, and
others to relinquish them, deserve further study.
However, in some circumstances, more favorable
outcomes will accrue to those who are more flex-
ible. Kerckhoff and Bell (1988) find that the achieve-
ment of postsecondary educational credentials in
the form of some vocational certificates yield high-
er earnings than attaining only some college. The
relative merit of tenacious goal pursuit (e.g. a
baccalaureate degree) versus the substitution of
new, more realistic, alternative objectives (‘‘assimi-
lation’’ and ‘‘accommodation’’ in Brandtstadter’s
[1998] terminology) may be determined by struc-
turally constrained resources as well as opportunities.
The character and outcomes of the transition
to adulthood are clearly dependent on diverse
resources that are differentially distributed among
young people (Shanahan forthcoming). There are
social class differences in the age at which adult
roles are acquired, in the character of marking
events, and even in the availability of opportuni-
ties to assume adult-status positions (Meijers 1992).
The socioeconomic background of the family of
origin sets the level of available resources, foster-
ing intergenerational continuity in attainment (Blau
and Duncan 1967; Sewell and Hauser 1976; Kerckhoff
1995). Relative advantage or disadvantage can de-
rive from placement in familial and other net-
works that provide information (Granovetter 1974;
Osterman 1989), for example, about higher educa-
tional opportunities, jobs (Lin 1992), or even pro-
spective marital partners. A lack of resources, as
well as instability (McLanahan and Sandefur 1994),
in the family of origin is associated with disadvan-
taged transitions to adulthood. Moreover, struc-
tural sources of cumulative advantage, such as
advantageous placement in ability groups, high
school tracks or secondary schools, increase the
likelihood of higher education (Kerckhoff 1993;
Garmoran 1996).Personal resources facilitating the educational
and occupational attainment process have been
linked to social class background. Adolescents’
educational and occupational aspirations, and their
educational attainments, are important mediators
of the effects of occupational origins on destina-
tions (Featherman 1980; Featherman and Spenner
1988). The transmission of self-directed values
may also constitute a mechanism through which
socioeconomic status is perpetuated across gen-
erations (Kohn and Schooler 1983; Kohn et al.
1986). Close father–son relationships in late ado-
lescence engender continuity in paternal occupa-
tions and values, and sons’ work values and early
adult-occupational destinations (Mortimer and
Kumka 1982; Ryu and Mortimer 1996). Parents of
higher socioeconomic level typically engage in
more supportive child-rearing behavior (Gecas
1979), which fosters the development of personali-
ty traits such as competence, work involvement,
and positive work values, that facilitate early adult
socioeconomic attainments (Mortimer et al. 1986).Gender differences in future orientations can
foster differences in achievement. For example, if
young women view their futures as contingent on
the needs of future spouses, children, and others,
this will diminish their propensity to make firm
plans (Hagestad 1992), thereby diminishing their
attainment. Despite dramatic changes in adult
women’s employment (McLaughlin et al. 1988;
Moen 1992), and in contrast to young men’s occu-
pational aspirations, many young women are ‘‘talk-
ing career but thinking job’’ (Machung 1989,
pp. 52–53).Geissler and Kruger (1992) have identified
different patterns of contemporary ‘‘biographical
continuity’’ among young German women, each
having important implications for career achieve-
ment. Traditionally-oriented women expect to have
limited labor force participation and to be eco-
nomically dependent on a husband. Career-orient-
ed young women emphasize the acquisition of
professional qualifications and delay marriage. Still