ADULTHOODothers are actively concerned with both work and
family spheres. Such divergence in future orienta-
tions and planning influences the intensity of striv-
ing for achievement and attainment during the
transition to adulthood.
Moreover, to the extent that young women are
aware of the difficulties adult women face, result-
ing from employer discrimination and the une-
qual division of family work, this would likely
depress expectations for labor market success.
Ambivalence about work could exacerbate the
detrimental consequences of other psychological
differences (relative to males) for socioeconomic
attainment, such as lower self-efficacy, lower self-
esteem, and higher levels of depressive affect
(Simmons and Blyth 1987; Gecas 1989; Finch et al.
1991; Shanahan et al. 1991; Mortimer 1994). It is
therefore not surprising that although women
have narrowed the historical gap in educational
attainment (McLaughlin et al. 1988), they often
get ‘‘diverted’’ from their initial plans, emphasiz-
ing romance over academics (Holland and Eisenhart
1990). For today’s women, taking on adult work
and family roles is more likely than for men to
result in the termination of schooling (Pallas 1993).
If the family is an important institutional con-
text for the acquisition of economic and other
resources for the adult transition, family poverty
or disintegration may be expected to have nega-
tive consequences. Experiences in youth may thus
set in motion a train of events that have a profound
impact on the early life course. Disruption and
single parenthood in the family of origin, and the
economic loss and emotional turmoil that fre-
quently ensue, may jeopardize parental invest-
ment in children and youth. However, Coleman
(1994) argues that declining investments in the
next generation may occur even in more favorable
and affluent circumstances. As the functions of the
family are transferred to other agencies in welfare
states (e.g., as the government takes over educa-
tion, welfare, support of the aged, and other func-
tions), there is a declining economic dependence
of family members on one another. As the
multigenerational organization and functions of
the family weaken, parental motivation to invest
attention, time, and effort in the younger genera-
tion may also decrease throughout the population.
However, Shanahan (forthcoming) speaks of
‘‘knifing off’’ experiences during the transition
to adulthood, which can enable some youth to
escape from poverty, familial conflict, stigmatization,
and other debilitating circumstances of their child-
hood and teen years. For example, service in the
military enabled many men from disadvantaged
backgrounds to extricate themselves from the stress-
ful circumstances of their families, mature
psychologically, and therefore be in a better posi-
tion to take advantage of educational benefits for
veterans after World War II (Elder and Caspi 1990).The availability of opportunities for anticipa-
tory socialization or practice of adult roles may
also affect adaptation to them. Contemporary youth
spend much of their time in schools, cut off from
meaningful contact with adult workers (excepting
their teachers). Some have expressed concern that
this isolation from adult work settings reduces
opportunities for career exploration and encour-
ages identification with the youth subculture (Pan-
el on Youth 1974). Many parents encourage ado-
lescent children to work, believing that this experience
will help them to become responsible and inde-
pendent, to learn to handle money, and to effec-
tively manage their time (Phillips and Sandstrom
1990). However, ‘‘youth jobs’’ are quite different
from adult work, involving relatively simple tasks
and little expectation of continuity.The impacts of part-time employment during
adolescence for the transition to adulthood is the
subject of much controversy (Committee on the
Health and Safety Implications of Child Labor
1998, ch. 4). While the full impact of employment
in adolescence is not known, there is evidence that
increasing investment in paid work (as indicated
by the number of hours spent working per week) is
associated with reduced educational attainment
(Marsh 1991; Chaplin and Hannaway 1996; Carr
et al. 1996). However, several studies have shown
that employment during high school also predicts
more stable work histories and higher earnings in
the years immediately following (Mortimer and
Finch 1986; Marsh 1991; Ruhm 1995, 1997; Mortimer
and Johnson 1998). Stern and Nakata (1989), us-
ing data from noncollege youth in the National
Longitudinal Survey of Youth, report that more
complex work activity in adolescence is associated
with lower incidence of unemployment and high-
er earnings three years after high school.The meaning of adolescent work also influ-
ences subsequent educational and occupational