8 Holiday specials The Economist December 18th 2021
der.TonyLamchosetostudyonthemainlandbecause
hehasfamilythereandtuitionisabouta quarterwhat
it isinHongKong.Hehopestofinda jobinadvertising
orpublicrelationswhenhegraduates.“Therearea lot
morejobsinthemainland.”MrLamsaysthepasttwo
yearsofpandemicandprotestshave“provedthesu
periority of the mainland system”. Several of his
friendswhoarealsopursuinguniversityinmainland
Chinawereencouragedbytheirparentstodoso.
Someparentsrejecttheideathattheregime’scon
trolisinevitableor,atleast,permanent.RachelLeung
ishomeschoolingherdaughterona smallfarmbe
causeshewantshertohavea connectiontotheland
andtohavetimetoplay—andbecauseshewantstoin
sulate her fromChina’s influence. “The partywill
eventuallyfall,”shesays.“When?I don’tknow.Maybe
20 or 50 yearsfromnow.Andwhenit does,whatskills
willourchildren,ourgrandchildren,needtothrive?”
Shepausesaschildrencoveredinmudfromplanting
ricerunby,thenliststhequalitiesthatshethinksthey
willneed.“Awillingnesstocommunicate,theability
to persuade and compromise, empathy and love,
knowinghowtolistendeeply.Therewillbeanendto
thisdarkness.Fornow,wecan’tdoanythingbig.But
wecandosmallthingslikeraiseourchildrenwiththis
futureinmind.”
lessonslearned
MsLeungmayberight.ButtheChinesegovernment
hasplentyofpracticeinmouldingyoungminds.In
1989,attheheightofprodemocracyprotestsinChina,
hundredsofthousandsofpeoplepiledintoTianan
menSquare.LiMing’sfatherwasoneofthem.Afterthe
massacre,hemadehiswaybacktohishometownto
jointhecivilservice.Whenthepartyrolledoutitspa
trioticeducationcampaign,MrLiwasoneoftensof
millionsofstudentswhoweresubjectedtoit.
“Myfathertaughtmetoneversayanythinginpub
licthatcouldgetmeintotrouble,”hesays.“Hetaught
me,aboveeverythingelse,toprotectmyself.It isa very
pragmaticapproachtolifeinChina:itisthewayto
survive.” Buthis father also boughthim whatever
bookshecouldfind.HepushedMrLitothinkforhim
selfbyobservingsocietyandthepeoplearoundthem.
WhenMrLimovedtoHongKongforuniversity,hisfa
therwarnedhim:“Beverycarefulwhatyousay.Butal
waysremember:thinkforyourself.”
ManyinHongKongfearthenextgenerationwillbe
likethepostTiananmengenerationinmainlandChi
na.Theyexpectthecurriculumtochangesomuchthat
the government’s campaign of indoctrination may
succeed.Still,therearereasonsHongKongmayhold
out.Becauseitisalreadyadvanced,theparty’sdeal
withthemainland—ofeconomicgrowthinexchange
forpoliticalsubmission—doesnotapply.Andsofar,
unlikeinmainlandChina,thegovernmenthasnotre
strictedinternetaccess.
ButthepasttwoyearsinHongKonghaveshown
howwellthepartyunderstandspowerandhowruth
lesslyitwillwieldit.MrLimaycontinuetothinkfor
himself,buthehasabsorbedthelessonhisfatherdrew
fromTiananmen.Hehasreturnedhomeandisprepar
ingforhiscivilserviceexaminations,withaneyeto
becominga localpropagandaofficial.n
get to grips with reality and start thinking about how
to best prepare their kids for this future.”
Within Hong Kong, the influence of the mainland
is felt everywhere. Step out at lunchtime during the
week and you are likely to hear conversations in Man
darin nearly as frequently as Cantonese, the dialect
traditionally spoken in Hong Kong. Hong Kongers
used to act as a bridge between China and the West. A
few decades ago, many rushed to the mainland to set
up factories or to run the Chinese branches of multina
tionals. Increasingly, these jobs are going to mainland
Chinese who speak fluent English and have graduated
from Ivy League universities or Oxbridge. Many com
panies want staff who not only speak the language of
the clients they are pursuing but also watch the same
films and gossip about the same celebrities.
Ms Lau, who bought her son the police toys, works
in financial technology. “I manage a lot of mainlanders
who have moved to Hong Kong for work. They work
harder, stay later and are more ambitious and thick
skinned. There is no way a local Hong Konger on my
team can compete with them. The Hong Kong compet
itive advantage is gone.” She may not embrace the de
mocracy movement, but she is not happy about the
changes in the curriculum. “When I was growing up,
we were taught to think at school. Now, it’s a joke.” She
adds of her son, “Not only is he not going to learn
about what really happened in Tiananmen Square, but
he is also not going to be competitive against main
land Chinese his age when he enters the workforce.”
Hong Kong is one of 11 cities being merged into the
Greater Bay Area, a signature plan of China’s president,
Xi Jinping, which covers an area of nearly 90m people
with an economy larger than Australia’s. Shenzhen is
at the centre. Hong Kong’s primary role will be to pro
vide Chinese companies with a way to raise money
from abroad. Faced with this future, some wealthy
Hong Kongers are sending their children to private
schools which teach in Mandarin and English. “My
children can pick up Cantonese on the street. I don’t
care if they aren’t fluent,” says one Hong Kong father
whose privateequity firm mostly invests in mainland
China. He and his wife speak Mandarin at home.
More and more highschool graduates from Hong
Kong are choosing to attend university across the bor
.................................................................................
Some names were changed to protect individuals
featured in this story.
Many in Hong
Kong fear the
next generation
will be like the
post-Tiananmen
generation in
mainland China