40 Europe The Economist December 18th 2021
nonetheless “extremely welcome”, notes
Mr Hedetoft. The Muslims’ drain on the
treasury probably has little to do with reli
gion. More than half came as asylumseek
ers or through family reunification, com
pared with 30% of other nonWesterners.
Like its Scandinavian neighbours, Den
mark enrols new migrants in programmes
that include language and civics classes.
But its benefits system is, characteristical
ly, a bit tougher. Payments are lower for
people who have not lived in the country
for seven out of eight years. This serves
both to deter immigrants and to encourage
those who do settle to work. Denmark can
boast that the gap in unemployment be
tween natives and nonEuropean immi
grants is smaller than Sweden’s. But that
may be in part because Sweden has higher
effective minimum wages in relation to its
average wage, whichpricesmanynewim
migrants out of jobs,especiallyiftheydo
not speak Swedish well.
The justification forbreakingupneigh
bourhoods like Mjolnerparkenseemsflim
sy. Its parallelsocietystatusisbasedin
part on the fact that2.69%ofitsresidents
had a criminal convictiona coupleofyears
ago. The allowable limit is 2.35%. The
number of young meninvolvedincrimeis
“less and less every year”,believesMajken
Felle, a primaryschoolteacherwholives
in one of the blocks slatedforsale.Farfrom
forming a parallel society,Mjolnerparken’s
Muslims come frommanycountriesand
speak to each otherinDanish;itisthe
younger generation’smothertongue.
The example of MalakTumeh,a medi
cal student, is a rebuketoDaneswhothink
Muslims do not belong,butshouldalso
give pause to those whothinkDenmark’s
monoculturalism willinevitablyalienate
them. The daughter ofanIraqimotherand
Palestinian father, shearrivedinDenmark
in 2001 at four monthsold.Withoutresi
dence permits her parentscouldnotwork
in their professions (hermothertrainedas
a microbiologist, her father was a bio
chemist). He sold pizzaandworkedincon
struction to make endsmeet.WhenMsTu
meh was six, police searchedherhomefor
fake passports; they“yanked”herbyher
bag, she says. Religiousstudiesatschool
centred on Christianity.
Yet Denmark and the Tumehs have
adapted to each other.Religion teachers
“asked my parents tosharetheirexperi
ences with Islam”, saysMsTumeh.They
brought a Koran to class.MsTumehand
her father finally becamepermanentresi
dents in 2020; her fathergotcitizenship
last year. Not yet a citizenherself,MsTu
meh considers herselftobeDanish.“The
past could have beeneasier,butit’sstilla
good life, better thanmanypeoplecould
imagine,” she says. Itisnoteasytobecome
a new Dane. But forthefewthatdo,the
struggle is worthwhile.n
Bulgaria
Here come the
Harvards
I
n2021 bulgariansvoted in three gener
al elections and a presidential one. They
ended 12 years of domination by Boyko Bo
risov, a bullnecked former bodyguard
whose period in power saw incomes rise,
the population fall and lurid tales of cor
ruption proliferate. But it was only this
week that a new coalition government fi
nally took the reins of power. Make way for
“the Harvards”, the political pairing now
performing a double act.
Kiril Petkov, aged 41, and Assen Vassi
lev, aged 44, are the new prime minister
and finance minister respectively, having
earlier this year served in the country’s in
terim government. Both studied at Har
vard Business School. Both became suc
cessful entrepreneurs after returning
home. But that is not the only reason they
are dubbed “the Harvards”. In 2008 they to
gether opened a centre in Sofia affiliated to
the school, offering courses on economic
strategy and competitiveness. Many of
their graduates are either already mps for
the new government or will fan out to run
bits of the administration.
In September the pair created a party
called We Continue the Change, echoing
what they had started as interim ministers.
In the most recent election, on November
14th, it came first, winning almost 26% of
the vote; it has taken them a good month to
put a coalition together.
Bulgaria is the poorest country in the
eu, but the Harvard duo say it shouldn’t be.
“Bulgaria is not a poor country,” says Mr
Vassilev. It has simply been “brutally plun
dered”. Mr Petkov says they became frus
trated because, according to the economic
models they were teaching, all of Bulgaria’s
advantages (location, eu membership, a
decent education system) should have
made it “an amazing growth success story”.
Instead, it has stagnated thanks to corrup
tion and bad management. Mr Petkov says
they hoped that a new leader would
emerge whom they could advise as ex
perts. When that did not happen, they de
cided, “ok, let’s do it!”—on their own.
When he was 13, Mr Petkov’s parents
emigrated to Canada. He earned a degree in
finance and landed a job working for a Ca
nadian food giant, McCain. But his sights
were set on bigger things than oven chips.
In 2005 he wrote in his application to Har
vard that he wanted to be finance minister
of Bulgaria. On graduating he raised money
for a retail park outside Sofia, then invest
ed first in equipment for clearing birds off
runways and next in probiotics.
Mr Petkov and Mr Vassilev were not
widely known in Bulgaria until recently,
but they are not political novices. Mr Vassi
lev was briefly minister for the economy in
2013. Mr Petkov has long been a champion
of green causes and hit the news in 2018
when he flew to Nepal on a mission to find
a missing Bulgarian mountaineer.
Ognyan Georgiev, editor of “Kapital In
sights”, an online business publication,
says the duo remind him of Tony Blair and
Gordon Brown’s partnership in Britain
during the 1990s. He says Mr Petkov is “en
ergetic, outspoken, optimistic and wildly
charismatic and wants to be the face of the
whole thing”, whereas Mr Vassilev is the re
served, cerebral half of the duo.
Vessela Tcherneva of the European
Council on Foreign Relations, a think
tank, warns that the pair must act fast to
achieve results, especially with their anti
corruption agenda, because the popularity
that has come with being new and upbeat
can quickly evaporate. The pair need to se
cure a prompt and impressive corruption
conviction, she says, and that is easier said
than done. The chief prosecutor, whom the
incoming government cannot legally re
move, is a man of the ancien régime. In
deed, all Bulgaria’s institutions and much
of its media are run by people loyal to Mr
Borisov and his allies. The Borisov team
may be out, but they are far from gone.
Other eumembers, meanwhile, want
Bulgaria to lift its veto on the initiation of
talks on membership with North Macedo
nia—part of a row over language and his
torical identity. Mr Petkov says he has a
plan for that, but that it will take time. His
first concern, he says, is to put an end to a
shabby understanding whereby the eu
turned a blind eye toBulgaria’s corruption
so long as Bulgaria didnotbecome a trou
blemaker like Hungary.n
S OFIA
A pair of new brooms