Social and Cultural Influences on Women’s Health 531employment has also been found to have positive effects on
both the psychological and physical health of a woman. For
example, Lennon (1998) examined the relationship between
housework and depressive symptoms in employed women
and homemakers. Differences were found in the amount of
time these two groups devoted to housework, with employed
women averaging 25 hours per week and homemakers aver-
aging 38.5 hours. When employment hours outside the home
are added to housework hours, employed women averaged
64.7 hours per week. Without accounting for speci“c work
conditions, hours, and fairness, there were no signi“cant
differences in reports of depressive symptoms between em-
ployed wives and homemakers. However, when hours, work
conditions, and fairness were taken into account, employed
wives averaged signi“cantly fewer depressive symptoms
than homemakers. These results suggest that employment
may balance the negative aspects of housework, resulting in
improved mental health.
To challenge the hypothesis that employment is the cata-
lyst that causes role overload, role con”ict, and distress,
Barnett, Davidson, and Marshall (1991) examined the inter-
play of women•s work and family roles and the effect the em-
ployment role has on the family role. Among employed
women, they found that helping others buffered the negative
effects of concern about role overload resulting in reduced
health problems (e.g., fatigue, headache, stomach, and back
pain), and that salary satisfaction also buffered negative
health effects for employed mothers. The “nding that em-
ployment offering women the chance to help others served as
a buffer against role overload distress and poor physical
health symptoms is especially relevant because a high per-
centage of women•s employment involves service provision
and caregiving. No evidence was found that work overload
caused con”ict in the family role or increased physical health
risks. Furthermore, in a review of positive aspects of multiple
roles, Barnett and Hyde (2001) indicated the work-related
factors of added income, social support, opportunity to expe-
rience success, and increased self-complexity all contribute
to improved mental and physical health. These results sug-
gest that the employment role does not always result in nega-
tive health effects for women.
In addition to the social systems of family, friends, and
community, women also belong to social systems in the
workplace. Given the increased number of women who work
outside the home, workplace stress and support are issues of
increasing importance to women. These issues appear to in-
”uence physical health directly. For example, Hibbard and
Pope (1985) reported that women who felt more supported by
their coworkers and more included in their workplace spent
fewer days in the hospital over the course of one year. Repetti
(1993) concluded that individuals who perceive work rela-
tionships with supervisors and coworkers as nonsupportive
and high in con”ict appear to be at increased risk for minor
illnesses and physical symptoms (e.g., headache, fatigue).
Therefore, the quality and function of work relationships ap-
pear to play a role in women•s health.
Still, gender differences have been reported in the effect of
workplace support on health and well-being. In an investiga-
tion of the amount and effects of social support, job stress,
and tedium experienced by men and women (Geller &
Hobfoll, 1994), women reported greater life tedium than
men, and men reported the receipt of more household assis-
tance than women. Despite the fact that the men and women
in this study reported receiving similar amounts of support
from their coworkers and supervisors, men bene“ted more
from these support sources, particularly coworker support.
The researchers offer the possibility that men bene“t more
from their work relationships because they may interact with
their colleagues on a more informal level, which House
(1981) suggests may be most effective in the prevention of
work stress and its negative consequences. Because individu-
alistic characteristics are so highly valued in the workplace,
and because men are more inclined to engage in this individ-
ualistic orientation, support may be provided more genuinely
among men and may be more effective since it can involve
mutual exchange and spontaneous acts, rather than role-
required behavior (House, 1981). Men, therefore, may
bene“t more than women in terms of workplace health
consequences.
Another potential factor serving as a key obstacle in
women•s obtainment of the necessary social support in the
workplace may be subtle gender bias, which can result in
overt stereotyping and sexual harrassment (Gutek, 2001). If
women want to retain people•s approval, they must demon-
strate qualities of female gender role (i.e., warmth, expres-
siveness), whereas if they want to succeed professionally in a
traditional work setting, they must act according to the male
model of managerial success, by being assertive and compet-
itive (Bhatnagar, 1988; J. Grant, 1987). These con”icting ex-
pectations may contribute to women•s lack of work support,
as behaving aggressively may alienate and anger potential
supporters (Lane & Hobfoll, 1992). Examining existing gen-
der bias in the workplace, Geller and Hobfoll (1993) found
that each gender preferred to mentor and offer support to his
or her own gender, a seeming historical change in women•s
socialization. Because of increased awareness and sensitivity
to problems such as work-family con”ict and the glass ceil-
ing, women may be recognizing a need for increased cama-
raderie, consequently, developing increased understanding
and acceptance of women adopting a more individualistic