The Life of John Milton: A Critical Biography

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“Between Private Walls” 1645–1649

the various Saxon tribes and kingdoms – all of which produced almost unremitting
internal strife throughout the land. Milton laments that for this period he must rely
on sources – Nennius, Bede, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Monmouth, Malmesbury



  • that he finds barbarous in style, unreliable in reporting civil matters, and in most
    matters of religion “blind, astonish’d, and strook with superstition... in one word,
    Monks” (127–8). Again, he often invites his readers to skepticism. He pauses in his
    narrative at another fair but lost opportunity for the English to govern themselves:
    the notable military victory at Badon which gave them a 44-year peace untroubled
    by the Saxons. Following Gildas closely, Milton details their corruptions in terms
    that resonate with present conditions: kings who had degenerated to “all Tyranny
    and vitious life” and clergy who were “Unlerned, Unapprehensive, yet impudent;
    suttle Prowlers, Pastors in Name, but indeed Wolves... seising on the Ministry as
    a Trade, not as a Spiritual Charge,... bunglers at the Scripture” (174–5). There-
    fore, when war broke out again, the Saxons drove the Britons from most of the
    country. This is a story, Milton concludes, of “the many miseries and desolations,
    brought by divine hand on a perverse Nation”(183). He accurately describes Book
    IV of his history as a “scatterd story” of civil matters, and voices his frustration that
    his primary source for it, Bede, offers something closer to a calendar than an inter-
    pretative history: “Thir actions we read of, were most commonly Wars, but for
    what cause wag’d or by what Councells carried on, no care was had to let us know:
    wherby thir strength and violence we understand, of thir wisedom, reason, or jus-
    tice, little or nothing” (229–30).
    In December, 1648 the army’s seizure of power and its determination to bring
    the king to trial threw constitutional issues into clear relief. Appealing to a time-
    honored political principle invoked by all sides since the beginning of the Revo-
    lution, Salus Populi Suprema Lex (the preservation of the Commonwealth is the
    first law of nature), the officers held that their actions were warranted in the
    present extreme crisis, though they sought to preserve some shards of legality by
    claiming to act under the authority of the Commons.^114 Moderates who held
    tenaciously to the rule of law under the old constitution still hoped to restore the
    king with strict limitations on his power; even Cromwell still hoped for some
    such settlement. The Levellers saw the enactment of an Agreement of the People
    as the prime necessity so that the government might be settled under a new social
    compact and written constitution. Millenarians often discounted the importance
    of any civil settlement, given their expectation of the imminent appearance of
    King Jesus. The Council of Officers met for five weeks in December and January
    to discuss a new version of the Agreement, but it foundered this time over the
    issue of religious toleration: some Levellers and sectaries would deny the magis-
    trate any power in religious matters, while the officers held out for his power to
    protect and maintain Protestant religion and to restrain palpable wickedness: athe-
    ists, Roman Catholics, idolaters, and some radicals.^115 Believing themselves
    “cozen’d and deceived” by the officers, the Levellers now opposed taking any

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