Encyclopedia of Psychology and Law

(lily) #1
speech). Laboratory research has more or less consis-
tently revealed that, despite people’s stereotypes of
lying behavior, liars are stiller than truth tellers and
able to maintain eye gaze. This indicates that behav-
ioral control and cognitive load may be more overpow-
ering mechanisms than emotional arousal in the
low-stakes liar. One would expect then that in a higher-
stakes lying situation, emotions are likely to run
higher. Although this might be the case, it would
appear that the desire to appear credible (controlling
behavior) and the cognitive load associated with telling
a higher-stakes lie increase even more so, since
research into the behavior of high-stakes liars such as
suspects in police interviews reveals similar patterns in
behavior to laboratory research subjects, with the addi-
tion of a decrease in blinking and an increase in speech
pauses.
If high-stakes liars behave similarly as low-stakes
liars (in that, on the whole, they display signs of
increased cognitive load and increased control rather
than nervousness), then could their lies be any easier
to detect? As mentioned earlier, people expect certain
behaviors of a liar, yet these behaviors often fail to be
displayed. This is one reason why most people do not
score above the level of chance when trying to detect
people’s lies in experiments. In contrast, in experi-
ments where police officers were shown clips of
real-life liars and truth tellers (suspects in police inter-
views) and asked to make veracity judgments, the
overall accuracy was more than 65%. Why it is higher
is unclear. It could be that the situation that observers
were being asked to judge was more contextually rel-
evant to them than, for example, watching students
who have been asked to lie or tell the truth about triv-
ial matters. It could be that observers were able to
make use of the signs of increased cognitive load that
the suspects did reveal (increased pauses in speech,
bodily rigidity, etc.) or perhaps that they were able to
pick up on something less tangible.

Samantha Mann and Aldert Vrij

Further Readings
DePaulo, B. M., Lindsay, J. L., Malone, B. E., Muhlenbruck,
L., Charlton, K., & Cooper, H. (2003). Cues to deception.
Psychological Bulletin, 129,74–118.
Mann, S., Vrij, A., & Bull, R. (2002). Suspects, lies and
videotape: An analysis of authentic high-stakes liars. Law
and Human Behavior, 26,365–376.

Mann, S., Vrij, A., & Bull, R. (2004). Detecting true lies:
Police officers’ ability to detect deceit. Journal of Applied
Psychology, 89,137–149.

DEVELOPINGCOMPREHENSIVE


THEORIES OFEYEWITNESS


IDENTIFICATION


See WITNESS MODEL


DIMINISHEDCAPACITY


Diminished capacity refers to two distinct doctrines.
The first, known as the mens rea variant,refers to the
use of evidence of mental abnormality to negate a
mens rea—a mental state such as intent, required by
the definition of the crime charged (the mens rea vari-
ant). The second, known as thepartial responsibility
variant,refers to the use of mental abnormality evi-
dence to establish some type of partial affirmative
defense of excuse. Courts have used various other
terms, such as diminished responsibility, to refer to
one or both of these distinct doctrines, but the term
used is unimportant. Confusion arises, however, when
the two types of doctrine are not clearly distinguished.
Neither entails the other, and distinct legal and policy
concerns apply to each.

The Mens Rea Variant
Mental abnormality can negate mens rea, primarily in
cases in which the disorder is quite severe and pro-
duces a cognitive mistake. For example, in Clark v.
Arizona (2006), a recent case that reached the
Supreme Court of the United States, the defendant
claimed that he believed that the police officer he
killed was really a space alien impersonating a police
officer. If this was true, the defendant did not intendto
kill a human being with the knowledgethat the victim
was a police officer. Historically, the legal objection to
using mental abnormality to negate mens rea was that
traditional doctrine required that mistakes had to be
objectively reasonable and a mistake that mental
abnormality produces is definitionally unreasonable.
Thus, evidence of such mistakes was excluded, even

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