Encyclopedia of Psychology and Law

(lily) #1
of theBiggerscriteria for making its decision: the wit-
ness was confident, he had a good look at the suspect,
and the identification took place shortly after the inci-
dent. The defendant was convicted of assault and pos-
session of a firearm; he appealed on several grounds,
including that the trial judge erred in denying the
motion to suppress, but the appellate court affirmed the
trial court’s decision. Neither the trial nor appellate
courts recognized that the suggestive identification
procedure, perhaps in concert with other factors, can
easily distort eyewitnesses’ estimates of their opportu-
nity to view the perpetrator, their confidence in their
identification, and their estimate of their “degree of
attention” at the time of encoding.
In addition to the obvious calls for eliminating any
suggestive aspects of lineup identification procedures
and adopting best practices for identification tests, Gary
Wells recommends a series of alternatives that would
remedy the problems created by Manson.One of these
proposed remedies is to shift the burden of proof in sit-
uations where the lineup procedure was suggestive so
that the prosecutor would have to demonstrate why the
identification should be allowed. This is a simple and
reasonable solution to this problem. Should this recom-
mendation be implemented in the future, the decision-
making process of judges considering a motion to
suppress the lineup identification would change.

Veronica Stinson

See alsoConfidence in Identifications; Confidence in
Identifications, Malleability; Exposure Time and
Eyewitness Memory; Eyewitness Descriptions, Accuracy
of; Eyewitness Memory; Identification Tests, Best
Practices in; Instructions to the Witness; Neil v. Biggers
Criteria for Evaluating Eyewitness Identification; Presence
of Counsel Safeguard and Eyewitness Identification;
Showups; Wrongful Conviction

Further Readings
Kirby v. Illinois,406 U.S. 682 (1972).
Manson v. Brathwaite, 432 U.S. 98 (1977).
Neil v. Biggers,409 U.S. 188 (1972).
O’Toole, T. P., & Shay, G. (2006). Manson v. Brathwaite
revisited: Towards a new rule of decision for due process
challenges to eyewitness identification procedures.
Valparaiso University Law Review, 41,109–148.
Simmons v. United States,390 U.S. 377, 385 (1968).
State v. Thompson,81 Conn. App. 264 (2004).
Stinson, V., Devenport, J. L., Cutler, B. L., & Kravitz, D. A.
(1997). How effective is the motion-to-suppress

safeguard? Judges’ perceptions of the suggestiveness and
fairness of biased lineup procedures. Journal of Applied
Psychology, 82,211–220.
United States v. Ash,413 U.S. 300 (1973).
Wells, G. L. (2007). What is wrong with the Manson v.
Braithwaitetest of eyewitness identification accuracy?
Retrieved February 22, 2007, from
http://www.psychology.iastate.edu/FACULTY/gwells/
Mansonproblem.pdf
Wise, R. A., & Safer, M. A. (2004). What US judges know
and believe about eyewitness testimony. Applied
Cognitive Psychology, 18,427–443.

MUGSHOTS


In cases where a criminal’s identity is unknown to an
eyewitness and investigators have not yet pinpointed a
suspect, witnesses may be asked to search through a
large number of photographs for a picture of the crim-
inal. This process is known as a mug shot search
because the photographs typically come from a data-
base of photographs of arrested people (either comput-
erized or from a file drawer system). Researchers have
examined whether viewing hundreds of photographs in
search for a criminal may have detrimental effects on a
witness’s memory of the criminal or later identification
accuracy. Specifically, researchers have focused on
three potential effects: interference, unconscious trans-
ference, and commitment. Regardless of the effect, one
caveat with this body of research to date is that it has
not yet been tested with real-world witnesses in real
criminal cases.

Interference
Interference, in mug shot research, is when postcrime
information, in the form of viewing many new faces,
weakens or interferes with the witness’s memory of the
actual criminal. Interference is most commonly tested
in research laboratories by exposing two groups of par-
ticipants to a mock crime, asking one group to look
through mug shot photographs and then asking both
groups of witnesses to make an identification of the
criminal from a six-person lineup. Researchers also
manipulate whether or not the mock criminal’s photo-
graph is present in the lineup to test whether or not wit-
nesses who viewed the mug shots are more likely to
choose an innocent person when the actual target is not
present. Although it is reasonable to assume that the
process of viewing hundreds of faces in search for a

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