Cities of God: The Religion of the Italian Communes 1125-1325

(Darren Dugan) #1

TheHolyCity 109 


that was your own contado. According to Bishop Sicardo, Milanese devotion


to the ancient martyrs Gervase and Protase arose, not because Saint Am-


brose had miraculously discovered their bones, but because the city success-


fully concluded the Lombard Wars on their feast day. The saints had proved


their intercessory power by crowning their day with victory. The Milanese


knew what was expected. They changed the opening chant of the martyrs’


Mass to commemorate the victory they had given the city.^46 Tuscan saints


too manifested their favor by victories. The Florentines traced their special


devotion to John the Baptist back to his feast in 401 , when, through his


intercession, the city defeated the invading Goths. Centuries later, after the


Florentine victory at Campaldino on 11 June 1289 , the commune adopted as


one of its city patrons (there were almost always more than one) Saint Barna-


bas, the saint whose day marked the victory.^47 Defeat might imply disfavor,


but this conclusion did not suggest itself easily. The Modenese were loath to


go to war on Mondays and Tuesdays, since they had suffered humiliating


defeats on those days.^48 In cases of misfortune, it was usually the weekday,


not the saint, that got the blame.


Communes changed or added patrons after victories. Saint George, the


warrior saint, became a patron of Siena after its great victory over Florence


at Montaperti; at Faenza, Saint Cassian became a city patron after the Guelf


victory that reestablished the commune in 1280. Female saints gave victory


on their feasts, too—as the serving girl Saint Zita did for Lucca in 1278 and


the lay penitent Saint Margherita did for Cortona in 1298. Examples could


be multiplied endlessly.^49 In art, saints proclaimed their victories in war.


Throughout Tuscany, especially in Florence, saints on altarpieces sometimes


hold an olive branch, absent from their usual iconography. It means that the


city where the image was painted had enjoyed victory on the saint’s feast


day.^50 No victory-giving saint compared to Saint Sixtus at Pisa. This second-


century pope repeatedly saved Pisa’s armies in pitched battles fought on 6


August, his feast day. By 1216 , the commune had constructed a chapel in his


honor. The citizenry annually honored him by bell ringing and candle offer-


ings. Saint Sixtus became so identified with the commune that, by the 1280 s,


city assemblies met in his church rather than the cathedral.^51


During the early to mid- 1200 s, there was no greater danger to northern


republican liberties than the tyrant Ezzelino da Romano, vicar of the em-



  1. Sicardo,Mitrale, 9. 28 , col. 415.

  2. See Trexler,Public Life, 77 ; on Barnabas and Florence, see Webb, ‘‘Cities of God,’’ 122 – 24.

  3. Salimbene,Cronica( 1284 ), 786 , Baird trans., 547.

  4. Vauchez, ‘‘Reliquie, santi e santuari,’’ 461 – 62. On Margherita’s cult, see Cannon and Vauchez,
    Margherita of Cortona.

  5. George Kaftal,Iconography of the Saints in Tuscan Painting(Florence: Sansoni, 1952 ), 1 :xx; see also
    Webb, ‘‘Cities of God,’’ 121.

  6. Pisa Stat.i( 1286 ), 2. 1 , pp. 345 – 47 , esp. pp. 345 – 46 ; on the assemblies of the Popolo: ibid., Popolo
    94 ,p. 623 , and Pisa Stat.ii( 1313 ), 2. 1 , pp. 269 – 70. On the mingling of ecclesiastical and civil identities,
    see Jones,Italian City-State, 437 – 38.

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