32 Asia TheEconomistJanuary8th 2022
blings have now burst out into the open.
“Old man out” has taken on a broader
meaning, too, targeting not just Mr Nazar
bayev but the entire political establish
ment. Mr Tokayev, who on becoming presi
dent in 2019 promised to create what he
called a “listening state”, complete with
democratic reform and political competi
tion, has failed to deliver change. Stringent
restrictions on civil liberties remain, and
there are no opposition parties. Protesters
have called for the rubberstamp parlia
ment to be prorogued and for urban and
provincial leaders, who are currently ap
pointed, to be elected.
The regime’s first response was to reach
for the carrot. On January 4th it promised
to cut the price of fuel to below its preprot
est level. The president also ordered offi
cials to regulate prices for six months, in
effect reintroducing subsidies. The cabinet
was dismissed, in line with demonstrators’
demands. Yet that seemed only to embold
en the protesters. Using makeshift weap
ons, they battled police, stormed Almaty’s
city hall and torched other official build
ings in several cities and toppled a statue of
Mr Nazarbayev in one town.
Next, the stick. Hundreds of people
have been arrested. On January 6th Mr To
kayev extended nationwide a limited state
of emergency declared the previous day.
He also took control of the powerful Secu
rity Council from Mr Nazarbayev and fired
Karim Masimov, the domestic intelligence
chief, a stalwart ally of the old man, to im
pose his own control over security forces.
Internet disruptions have been reported
across the country. As dawn broke the
country was under a total news blackout:
all Kazakhstanbased websites were inac
cessible and the usual socialmedia chatter
had fallen silent.
In the hours before, Mr Tokayev had
said that he was launching an “antiterro
rist operation” to beat back rebels who had
seized weapons from gun shops. Some 350
members of the security forces had been
injured, according to the interior ministry.
Shooting and looting broke out overnight
in Almaty. Police were battling foreign
trained terrorists outside the city, he
claimed. Commentators loyal to President
Vladimir Putin have suggested that the
West is trying to foment a colour revolu
tion in Kazakhstan. The aim of this imagi
nary plot is supposedly to destabilise Rus
sia as it prepares to talk to natoabout its
threats to invade Ukraine.
As the situation deteriorated, Mr To
kayev took the dramatic step of requesting
assistance “in overcoming this terrorist
threat” from the Collective Security Treaty
Organisation (csto), a military alliance of
six postSoviet states formed in 1994. Nikol
Pashinyan, the prime minister of Armenia,
which currently chairs the csto, said that
the bloc had decided to send peacekeepingforces “for a limited period,inordertosta
bilise and normalise thesituation”.It isthe
first time that the cstohasinvokedArticle
4 of its treaty, whichcoversthreatstona
tional security includingsupposed“for
eign interference”.
Though the alliancehasneverbefore
convened in a crisis,itconductednumer
ous joint exercises inthesummerandau
tumn of last year, notesRobLeeofKing’s
College London, partlyinresponsetothe
steady collapse of Afghanistan, which
shares a border withthebloc.“Thecsto’s
rapid reaction forcesshouldbebetterpre
pared to respond thannormal”,hesays.
Russian paratrooperswerearrivinginKaz
akhstan as The Economistwenttopress.
cstotroops wouldbeusedtoguardin
frastructure, accordingtooneRussianlaw
maker, freeing up Kazakh forces forthe
bloodier work of crushingprotesters.Mr
TokayevmayalsobehopingthatRussia’s
involvementwillstiffenthespinesofhis
securityforces,reducingthelikelihoodof
defectionsora coup.Butthedecisionto
solicitoutsidehelpisa fatefulstepforthe
country. “Tokayevis throwingaway Ka
zakhstan’ssovereigntybyaskingforRus
sianstointervene,”saysJenBrickMurta
zashvilioftheUniversityofPittsburgh.
Anothercomplicationisthatmanyof
theRussianmilitaryunitstaskedwithre
spondingtocrisesinCentralAsiaarecur
rentlysittingneartheUkrainian border,
far fromtheir homebases, aspart ofa
Kremlinefforttointimidatea neighbour
andsqueeze nato. VladimirPutin,Rus
sia’s president, caught by surprise by
eventsonhissouthernflank,mightfacea
choicebetweendivertingforcesfromthe
west, thus diluting his ability to make
crediblethreatsbeforecrucialtalkswith
Americaandnatonextweek,orlimiting
thescopeofanyassistancetoKazakhstan.
MrTokayevhassofarblamedinternal
provocateurs,outsideforces,hisowngov
ernmentandoilcompaniesfortheunrest.
InatelevisedaddressonJanuary5thin
tendedtoconveyresolvehesaidhewould
act“robustly”andreassuredcitizensthat
“whatever happens,I willremaininthe
capital”.Itisunclearwhetherthatiswhat
hiscountry’scitizenswanttohear.nUZB
EKI
STA
NNur-SultanRUSSIAKAZAKHSTANTURKMEN-
ISTAN KYRGYZSTAN
AFGHANISTAN TAJIKISTANCaspian
SeaAlmaty CHINAZhanaozen500 kmIndiaandOmicronElections and
infections
M
any indians would have loved to
slam the door on 2021 with a loud
bang of good riddance. Instead, celebra
tions for this new year proved muted. As
the highly contagious Omicron variant of
covid19 started spreading in late Decem
ber police in Mumbai, the country’s com
mercial hub, banned public gatherings.
Several states, along with Delhi, the na
tional capital, ordered night curfews.
But it was not just governmentim
posed social distancing that dampened
revelry. Barely seven months have passed
since a ferocious wave of the Delta variant
racked the country. Covid has left some 5m
Indians dead, according to The Economist’s
excessdeaths tracker, the world’s highest
toll. Memories of loved ones gasping for
breath, of overwhelmed hospitals turning
away the dying and of the stench of mass
cremations remain all too sharp. It was fear
of a reprise of such terrors, more than of
police lathis, that kept fireworks dry.
There is no doubt that India is in for an
other massive wave. Paul Kattuman of
Cambridge University, one of the creators
of an India covid tracker that correctly pre
dicted last year’s peak, describes the cur
rent growth trend as “superexponential”.
The reproduction rate of the virus, or R,
which has mostly remained below the re
placement level of 1.0 since June, has from
midDecember ticked inexorably upward,
reaching 2.69 nationwide on January 5th,
and a frightening 5.0 in the rural state of
Jharkhand. In the same period the national
tally of fresh daily cases rose more than 15
times, to nearly 91,000.
That is still a far cry from the 400,000
new cases a day recorded when the second
wave crested last May. But it is only a mat
ter of time before India scales this height
again, and it is likely to be far below the
true number. Systemic undercounting of
cases and a pattern of spread from big cit
ies mean that a better measure may be the
proportion of pcrtests returning positive
results. During last year’s peak this briefly
exceeded 25% across India, but by Decem
ber 27th it had fallen to a low of 0.5%. By
January 5th positivity rates in Mumbai,
which is often ahead of the rest of the
country, were again exceeding 25% (see
chart on next page). In both Mumbai and
Delhi (where positivity is also surging),
Omicron is already the dominant strain.
However ominous the new wave, India
is now much better prepared. Last April theD ELHI
Not enough lessons have been learnt
from the devastating Delta wave of 2021