letting Bush express himself directly in this way, we afford the reader a more faithful-- and
damning-- account of Bush's actions.
George Bush might agree that "history is biography," although we suspect that he would not agree
with any of our other conclusions. There may be a few peculiarities of the present work as
biography that are worthy of explanation at the outset.
One of our basic theses is that George Bush is, and considers himself to be, an oligarch. The notion
of oligarchy includes first of all the idea of a patrician and wealthy family capable of introducing its
offspring into such elite institutions as Andover, Yale, and Skull and Bones. Oligarchy also
subsumes the self- conception of the oligarch as belonging to a special, exalted breed of mankind,
one that is superior to the common run of mThis mentality generally goes together with a fascination for eankind as a matter of hereditary genetic superiority.ugenics, race science and just plain (^)
racism as a means of building a case that one's own family tree and racial stock are indeed superior.
These notions of "breeding" are a constant in the history of the titled feudal aristocracy of Europe,
especially Britain, towards inclusion in which an individual like Bush must necessarily strive. At
the very least, oligarchs like Bush see themselves as demigods occupying a middle ground bethe immortals above and the hoi poloi below. The culmination of this insane delusion, which Bushtween
has demonstrably long since attained, is the obsessive belief that the principal families of the Anglo-
American elite, assembled in their freemasonic orders, by themselves directly constitute an
Olympian Pantheon of living deities who have the capability of abrogating and disregarding the
laws of the universe according to their own irrational caprice. If we do not take into account thiselement of fatal and megalomaniac hubris, the lunatic Anglo-American policies in regard to the
Gulf war, international finance, or the AIDS epidemic must defy all comprehension.
Part of the ethos of oligarchism as practiced by George Bush is the emphasis on one's own family
pedigree and blood line. This accounts for the attention we dedicate in the opening chapters of thisbook to Bush's family tree, reaching back to the nineteenth century and beyond. It is impossible to
gain insight into Bush's mentality unless we realize that it is important for him to be considered a
cousin, however distant, of Queen Elizabeth II of the House of Mountbatten-Windsor, or that his
wife Barbara does not wish us forget that she is in some sense a descendant of President Franklin
Pierce.
For related reasons, it is our special duty to illustrate the role played in the formation of George
Bush as a personality by his maternal grandfather and uncle, George Herbert Walker and George
Herbert Walker, Jr., and by George H.W. Bush's father, the late Senator Prescott Bush. In the course
of this task, we must speak at length about the institution to which George Bush owes the most, theWall Street international investment bank of Brown Brothers, Harriman, the political and financial
powerhouse mentioned above. For George Bush, Brown Brothers Harriman was and remains the
family firm in the deepest sense. The formidable power of this bank and its ubiquitous network,
wielded by Senator Prescott Bush up through the time of his death in 1972, and still active on
George's behalf down to the present day, is the single most important key to every step of George'sbusiness, covert operations, and political career.
In the case of George Bush, as many who have known him personally have noted, the network
looms much larger than George's own character and will. The reader will search in vain for strong
principled commitments in George Bush's personality; the most that will be found acharacteristic obsessions, of which the most durable are race, vanity, personal ambition, and settlingre a series of (^)
scores with adversaries. What emerges by contrast is the decisive importance of Bush's network of
connections. His response to the Gulf crisis of 1991 will be largely predetermined, not by any great
flashes of geopolitical insight, but rather by his connections to the British oligarchy, to Kissinger, to
Israeli and Zionist circles, to Texas oilmen in his fundraising base, to the Saudi Arabian and