Kuwaiti royal houses. If the question is one of finance, then the opinions of J. Hugh Liedtke, Henry
Kravis, Robert Mosbacher, T. BooneLondon will be decisive. If covert operations and dirty tricks are on the agenda, then there is a Pickens, Nicholas Brady, James Baker III and the City of
whole stable of CIA old boys with whom he will consult, and so on down the line. During much of
1989, despite his control over the presidency, Bush appeared as a weak and passive executive
waiting for his networks to show him what it was he was supposed to do. When German
reunification and the crumbling of the Soviet empire spurred those --primarily British- networksinto action, Bush was suddenly capable of violent and daring adventures. As his battle for a second (^)
term approaches, Bush may be showing increasing signs of a rage-driven self-starter capability,
especially when it comes to starting new wars designed to secure his re-election.
Biography has its own inherent discipline: it must be concerned with the life of its protagonist, andcannot stray too far away. In no way has it been our intention to offer an account of American
history during the lifetime of George Bush. The present study nevertheless reflects many aspects of
that recent history of US decline. It will be noted that Bush has succeeded in proportion as the
country has failed, and that Bush's advancement has proceeded pari passu with the degradation of
the national stage upon wphases in his career, Bush has come into conflict with persons that were intellectually and morallyhich he has operated and which he has come to dominate. At various (^)
superior to him. One such was Senator Yarborough, and another was Senator Frank Church. Our
study will be found to catalogue the constant decline in the qualities of Bush's adversaries as human
types until the 1980's, by which time his opponents, as in the case of Al Haig, are no better than
Bush himself.
The exception to this trend is Bush's long-standing personal vendetta against Lyndon LaRouche, his
most consistent and capable adversary. LaRouche was jailed seven days after Bush's inauguration in
the most infamous political frameup of recent US history. As our study will document, at critical
moments in Bush's career, LaRouche's political interventions have frustrated some of Bush's best-laid political plans: a very clear example is LaRouche's role in defeating Bush's 1980 presidential
bid in the New Hampshire primary. Over the intervening years, LaRouche has become George
Bush's man in the iron mask, the principled political adversary whom Bush seeks to jail and silence
at all costs. The restoration of justice in this country must include the freeing of Lyndon LaRouche,
LaRouche's political associates, and all the other political prisoners of the Bush regime.
As for the political relevance of our project, we think that it is very real. During the Gulf crisis, it
would have been important for the public to know more about Bush's business dealings with the
Royal Family of Kuwait. During the 1992 presidential campaign, as Wall Street's recent crop of
junk-bond aall across the United States are informed that the retirement pensions they had been promised willssisted leveraged buyouts line up at the entrance to bankruptcy court, and state workers
never be paid, the relations between George Bush and Henry Kravis will surely constitute an
explosive political issue. Similarly, once Bush's British and Kissingerian pedigree is recognized, the
methods he is likely to pursue in regard to situations such as the planned Romanian-style overthrow
of the Castro regime in Cuba, or the provocation of a splendid little nuclear war involving NorthKorea, or of a new Indo-Pakistani war, will hardly be mysterious.
The authors have been at some pains to make this work intelligible to readers around the world. We
offer this book to those who share our aversion to the imperialist-colonialist New World Order, and
our profound horror aby Bush's "pax universalis" slogan. This work is tangible evidence that there is an oppost the concept of a return to a single, worldwide Roman Empire as suggestedition to
Bush inside the United States, and that the new Caligula is very vulnerable indeed on the level of
the exposure of his own misdeeds.
It will be argued that this book should have been published before the 1988 election, when a Bush