with what we may consider the predecessor of the "wimp" argument, that Bush was always the yes-
man of his patrons: if you were going to put a pol into Langley, he argued, "then I think that it oughtto be a man who has demonstrated in his political career that he can and is willing to stand up and
take the heat even where it courts the displeasure of his own President." "But I do not think that Mr.
Bush's political record has been of that character."
Church was at his ironic best when he compared Bush to a recent chairman of the Democraticnational Committee: "...if a Democrat were President, Mr. Larry O'Brien ought not to be nominated (^)
to be Director of the CIA. Of all times to do it, this is the worst, right at a time when it is obvious
that public confidence needs to be restored in the professional, impartial, and nonpolitical character
of the agency. So, we have the worst of all possible worlds." Church tellingly underlined that
"Bush's birthright does not include being Director of the CIA. It includes the right to run for publoffice, to be sure, but that is quite a different matter than confirming him now for this particular ic
position."
Church said he would under no circumstance vote for Bush, but that if the latter renounced the 76
ticket, he would refrain from attempting to canvass other votes against Bush. It was an ambiguousposition.
While still reeling from Church's philippic, Bush also had to absorb a statement from Senator
Culver, who announced that he also would vote against Bush.
Bush came back to the witness chair in an unmistakeable whining mood. He was offended above all
by the comparison of his august self to the upstart Larry O'Brien: "I think there is some difference
in the qualifications," said Bush in a hyperthyroid rage. "Larry O'Brien did not serve in the
Congress of the United States for 4 years. Larry O'Brien did not serve, with no partisanship, at the
United Nations for 2 yePeople's Republic of China." Not only Bush but his whole cursus honorumars. Larry O'Brien did not serve as the Chief of the US Liaison Office in the were insulted! "I will
never apologize," said Bush a few second later, referring to his own record. Then Bush pulled out
his "you must resign" letter to Nixon: "Now, I submit that for the record that that is demonstrable
independence. I did not do it by calling the newspapers and saying, 'Look, I am having a press
conference. Here is a sensational statement to make me, to separate me from a President in greatagony.'"
Bush recovered somewhat under questioning by Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania, a reliable ally.
Senator Symington urged Bush to committ to serve at the CIA for at least two years; Bush was non-
committal, but the pressure was becoming unbeHart, Henry Jackson of Washington came in for the first time. Jackson's constant refrain was thatarable. After some sparring between Bush and Gary
the maladroit and bumbling Ford had put Bush in a very awkward and unfair position by
nominating him:
To be very candid about it, it seems to me that the President has put you in a very awkward
position. The need here is really to save the CIA. I do notthrough. It has been a very rough period. And it seems to me that the judgment of the President in need to recite what the Agency has gone
this matter is at best imposing a terrible burden on the CIA and on you. It raises a problem here of
nominating someone, who is a potential candidate, for service of less than a year. This is what really
troubles me because I have the highest regard and personal respect for your ability and above all,
your integrity. Mr. Chairman, it seems to me that the President should assure this committee that hewill not ask Ambassador Bush to be on the ticket.
Jackson, a former chairman of the Democratic national Committee, had turned down an offer from
Nixon to be Secretary of Defense, and had cited his party post as a reason for declining. While
George squirmed, Jackson kept repeating his litany that "Ambassador Bush is in an awkward