juxtaposed with a Mr. Peanut logo: "The same people who gave you Jimmy Carter want now to
give you George Bush," read the headline. The text described a "coalition of liberals, multinationalcorporate executives, big-city bankers, and hungry power brokers" led by David Rockefeller whose (^)
"purpose is to control the American government, regardless of which political party--Democrat or
Republican-- wins the presidency this coming November!" "The Trojan horse for this scheme," the
ad went on, "is Connecticut-Yankee-turned-Texas oilman George Bush- the out-of-nowhere
Republican who openly admits he is using the same "game-plan" developed for Jimmy Carter in the1976 presidential nomination campaign." The ad went on to menmtion the Council on Fopreign
Relations and the "Rockefeller money" that was the lifeblood of Bush's effort. [fn 20]
On February 24, Loeb trotted out Gen. Danny Graham, part of Bush's Team B operation, to talk
about "George Bush's weakness as the head of the CIA and his complete failure to estimatecorrectly the Soviet threat." Bush had "stacked" the Team A-Team B debate, Graham was now (^)
claiming. Brent Scowcroft, Lt. Gen. Sam Wilson and Ray Cline all rushed to Bush's defense. "Any
inference that George was too soft in his analysis of the Soviet Union was just dead wrong,"
responded Cline. "George is probably more skeptical and concerned about Soviet behavior than
anyone in town." "Baloney!" was Graham's rejoinder.
Loeb hyped a demand from the National Alliance of Senior Citizens that Bush repudiate and
apologize for a remark that Social Security had "become largely a welfare program." Here Bush
was scourged for his "insensitivity to the independence of Social Security recipients." Right
underneath was another article from a Union-Leader special correspondent in New York Cityreporting that Bush's delegates had been thrown off the ballot there by the Board of Elections
because Bush's petitions "were illegal."
While all this was going on, Bush was prating about his "momentum" with campaign statements
that focussed exclusively on technicalities rather than offering reasons why anybody sBush. Right after the Iowa victory, here was Bush: "Clearly, we're going to come out of here withhould support
momentum...We appear to have beaten both Connally and Baker very, very badly. The numbers
look substantial. And they are going to have to get some momentum going, and I'm coming out of
here with momentum." A few weeks later, Bush was still repeating the same gibberish. Bush told
Bob Schieffer of CBSWhat we'll have, you see, is momentum. We will have forward "Big Mo" on our s about his advantage for New Hampshire: ide, as they say in
athletics.
Big Mo?
Yeah, Bush said. "Mo," momentum.
While campaigning, Bush was asked once again about the money he received from Nixon's 1970
Townhouse slush fund. Bush's stock reply was that his friend Jaworski had cleared him: "The
answer came back, clean, clean, clean," said Bush.
By now the Reagan camp had caught on that something important was happening, something which
could benefit Reagan enormously. First Reagan's crony Edwin Meese piped up in oblique reference
to the Trilateral membership of some candidates, including Bush: "all these people come out of an
international economic industrial organization with a pattern of thinking on wto a "softening on defense." That played well, and Reagan decided he would pick up the theme. Onorld affairs" that led (^)
February 7, 1980 Reagan observed in a speech that 19 key members of the Carter Administration,
including Carter, were members of the Trilateral Commission. According to Reagan, this influence
had indeed led to a "softening on defense" because of the Trilateraloids' belief that business "should
transcend, perhaps, the national defense." [fn 21] This made sense: Bush would later help enact