As the Detroit convention cam to a close, the Reagan and Bush campaign staffs were merged, with
James Baker assuming a prominent position in the Casey-run ReHalper, and Gambino operations were all continued. From this point on, Reagan's entourage wouldagan campaign. The Ray Cline, (^)
be heavily infiltrated by Bushmen.
The Reagan-Bush campaign, now chock full of Bush's Brown Brothers, Harriman/Skull and Bones
assets, now announced a campaign of espionage. This campaign told reporters that it was going tospy on the Carter regime.
Back in April, Carter had taken to live television at 7 AM one morning to announce some
ephemeral progress in his efforts to secure the release of State Department officials and others from
the US Embassy in Teheran that were being held as hostages by the Khomeini forces in Iran. Thisannouncement was timed to coincide with Democratic primaries in Kansas and Wisconsin, in which (^)
Carter was able to overwhelm challenges from Teddy Kennedy and Jerry Brown. A memo from
Richard Wirthlin to Casey and Reagan initiated a discussion of how the Carter gang might exploit
the advantages of incumbency in order to influence the outcome of the election, perhaps by
attempting to stampede the public by some dramatic event at the last minute, such as the freeing ofthe hostages in Teheran. Casey began to institute counter-measures even before the Detroit GOP
convention.
During the convention, at a July 14 press conference, Casey told reporters of his concern that Carter
might spring an "October surprise" in foreign or domelections. He announced that he had set up what he called an "incumbency watch" to monitorestic policy on the eve of the November (^)
Carter's activities and decisions. Casey explained that an "intelligence operation" directed against
the Carter White House was functioning "already in germinal form." Ed Meese, who was with
Casey at this press conference, added that the October surprise "could be anything from a summit
conference on energy" or deprice controls" on the domestic economy. velopment in Latin America, or perhaps the imposition of "wage and
"We've talked about the October surprise and what the October surprise will be," said Casey. "I
think it's immoral and improper."
The previous evening, in a televison appearance, Reagan had suggested that "the Soviet Union is
going to throw a few bones to Mr. Carter during this coming campaign to help him continue as
president." [fn 35]
Although Camost prominent of these was certainly the liberation of the American hostages in Iran. A pollsey and Meese had defined a broad range of possibilities for the October surprise, the
showed that if the hostages were to be released during the period between October 18 and October
25, Carter could receive a 10% increase in popular vote on election day.
The "incumbency watch" set up by Caoperation against Carter, including by attempting to block the liberation of the hostages before thesey, would go beyond surveillance and become a dirty tricks
November, 1980 election.
What follows was in essence a pitched battle between two fascist gangs, the Carter White House
and the Bush-Casey forces. Out of this 1980 gawould emerge. In the event the temple of Apollo in New Haven defeated the temple of Dionysios inng warfare, the post-1981 United States regime (^)
Plains, Georgia.
Carter and Brzezinski had deliberately toppled the Shah, deliberately installed Khomeini in power.
This was an integral part of Brzezinski's "arc of crisis" geopolitical lunacy, another made-in-London