We cannot provide here a complete overview of the Iran-Contra affair. We shall attempt, rather, to
give an account of George Bush's decisive, central role in those events, which occurred during hisvice-presidency and spilled over into his presidency. The principal elements of scandal in Iran-
Contra may be reduced to the following points:
the secret arming of the Khomeini regime in Iran by the U.S. government, during an official
U.S.-decreed arms embargo against Iran, while the U.S. publicly denounced the recipients of its
secret deliveries as terrorists and kidnappers--a policy initiated under the Jimmy Carter presidencyand accelerated by the Reagan-Bush administration;
the Reagan-Bush administration's secret arming of its `` Contras '' for war against the Sandinista
regime in Nicaragua, while such aid was explicitly prohibited under U.S. law;
the use of communist and terrorist enemies--often armed directly by the Anglo-Americans--to
justify a police state and covert, oligarchical rule at home;
paying for and protecting the gun-running projects with drug- smuggling, embezzlement, theft by
diversion fromknowledgeable participants in the schemes; and authorized U.S. programs, and the `` silencing '' of both opponents and
the continual, routine perjury and deception of the public by government officials pretending to
have no knowledge of these activities; and the routine acquiescence in that deception by
Congressmen too frightened to oppose it.
When the scandal broke, in late 1986 and early 1987, George Bush maintained that he knew nothing
about these illegal activities; that other government officials involved in them had kept him in the
dark; that he had attended no important meetings where these subjects were under discussion. Since
that time, many once- classified documents have come to light, which suggest that Bush organizedand supervised many, or most, of the criminal aspects of the Iran-Contra adventures. The most
significant events relevant to George Bush's role are presented here in the format of a chronology.
At the end of the chronology, parts of the testimony of George Bush's loyal assistant Donald Gregg
will be provided, to allow for a comparison of the documented events with the Bush camp's account
of things. Over the time period covered, the reader will observe the emergence of new structures inthe U.S. government:
The Special Situation Group, '' together with its subordinate Standing Crisis Pre-Planning
Group '' (May 14, 1982).
The Crisis Management Center '' (February 1983). The Terrorist Incident Working Group '' (April 3, 1984).
The Task Force on Combatting Terrorism '' (or simply Terrorism Task Force) (July 1985). The Operations Sub-Group '' (January 20, 1986). These were among the official, secret structures
of the U.S. government created from 1982 through 1986. Other structures, whose existence has not
yet come to light, may also have been created--or may have persisted from an earlier time. Nothing
of this is to be found isecret command role of the then-Vice President, George Bush. The propaganda given out to justifyn the United States Constitution. All of these structures revolved around the (^)
these changes in government has stressed the need for secrecy to carry out necessary covert acts
against enemies of the nation (or of its leaders). Certainly, a military command will act secretly in
war, and will protect secrets of its vulnerable capabilities. But the Bush apparatus, within and
behind the government, was formed to carry out covert policies: to make war when the