meticulous attention to certain matters of detail; we can say, nevertheless, that both our commitment
to the truth and our fiincluding news organizations and intelligence agencies with capabilities that far surpass our own. nal product are better than anything anyone else has been able to muster,
How can we hope to fight the mightily Bush power cartel with a biography, a mere book? We have
no illusions of easy success, but we were encouraged in our work by the hope that a biography
might stimulate opposition to Bush and his policies. It will certainly, if only by virtue of its novelty,pose a new set of problems to those seeking to get Bush re-elected. For although Bush is now what
journalists call a world leader, no accurate account on his actual career exists in the public domain.
The volume which we submit herewith to the court of world public opinion is, to the best of our
knowledge, the first and only book- lapproximation of the truth about his life. This is the first biography worthy of the name, a fact thatength, unauthorized biography of George Bush. It is the first (^)
says a great deal about the sinister power and obsessive secrecy of this personage. None of the other
self-announced biographies (including Bush's campaign autobiography) can be taken seriously;
each of these books is a pastiche of lies, distortions and banalities that run the gamut from campaign
panegyric to the Goebbels Big Lie to fake but edifying stories for credulous children. Almostwithout exception, the available Bush literature is worthless.
But with Bush, this is only the beginning of the problem. Bush's family pedigree establishes him as
a network asset of Brown Brothers, Harriman, one of the most powerful political forces in the
United States during much of the twentieth century, and for mthe world. It suffices in this context to think of Averell Harriman negotiating during World War IIany years the largest private bank in (^)
in the name of the United States with Churchill and Stalin, or of the role of Brown Brothers,
Harriman partner Robert Lovett in guiding John F. Kennedy's choice of his cabinet, to begin to see
the implications of Senator Prescott Bush's post as managing partner of this bank. Brown Brothers,
Harriman networks pervade government and the mass media. Again and again in the course of thefollowing pages we will see stories embarrassing to George Bush refused publication, documents
embarrassing to Bush suspiciously disappear, and witnesses inculpatory to Bush be overtaken by
mysterious and conveniently timed deaths. The few relevant facts which have found their way here
and there into the public domain have necessarily been filtered by this gigantic apparatus. This
problem has been compounded by the corruption and servility of authors, journalists, newsexecutives and publishers who have functioned more and more as kept advocates for Bush.
George Bush wants key aspects of his life to remain covert. At the same time, he senses that his
need for cover-up is a vulnerability. The need to protect this weak flank accounts for the steady
stream of fake biographical and historical material concerning George, as well as the spin given tomany studies of recent history that may never mention George directly. Over the past several
months, we have seen a new book about Watergate that pretends to tell the public something new
by fingering Al Haig as Deep Throat, but ignoring the central role of George Bush and his business
partners in the Watergate affair. We have a new book by Lt. Col. Oliver North which alleges that
Reagan knew everything about the Iran-contra affair, but that George Bush was not part of North'schain of command. The latter point merely paraphrases Bush's own lame excuse that he was "out of (^)
the loop" during all those illegal transactions. During the hearings on the nomination of Robert
Gates to become Director of Central Intelligence, nobody had anything new to add about the role of
George Bush, the boss of the National Security Council's Special Situation Group crisis staff that
was a command center for the whole affair. These charades are peddled to a very credulous publicby operatives whose task goes beyond mere damage control to mind control-- the "MK" in the
government's MK Ultra operation. Part of the free ride enjoyed by George Bush during the 1988
elections is reflected in the fact that at no point in the campaign was there any serious effort by any
of the so-called news organizations to provide the public with something approaching an accurate
and complete account of his political career. At least two biographies of Dukakis appeared which,