Collor, like Salinas, was anxious to dissolve national sovereignty into a "free market." The
discussion revolved around reCommon Market of Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay. Collor also pledged to preserve theducing trade barriers between the future NAFTA and the Southern (^)
Amazon rain forest, a demand that was becoming the focus of the UN's "Eco '92" conference set to
take place in Brazil. Shortly after this, Bush would hold a Rose Garden ceremony to celebrate the
triumphant progress of his Enterprise for the Americas free trade steamroller since its inception one
year before.
Continuing violence was the staple of the New World Order. Elections in India were scheduled for
late May, and the likely victor was Rajiv Gandhi, whose mother had been assassinated by Anglo-
American intelligence in 1984. Rajiv Gandhi, during his time in the opposition, had experienced a
remarkable process of personal maturation. During the Gulf crisis and the war against Iraq, he hadused his position as chief of the opposition to force the weak Chandra Shakar government to reject a (^)
US demand for landing rights for US military aircraft transferring war material from the Philippines
toward Saudi Arabia. If re-elected prime minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi would very likely have
assumed a position of leadership among world forces determined to resist the Anglo-American New
World Order; he also would have offered the best hope of frustrating London's gambit of a newIndo-Pakistani war according to the game plan in which Bush had participated back in 1970. The (^)
Anglo-American media did not conceal their venomous hatred of Rajiv. He was assassinated while
campaigning on May 21, and his death was widely attributed in India to the CIA.
Bush's approach to sabotaging and containing continental Europe including doing everythingpossible to create a new war on the Balkan flank of that continent. This was done as openly as (^)
possible, through a visit to Belgrade by James Baker. Baker met with the presidents of the two
Yugoslav federal republics which had been seeking either a loose confederation or else their own
outright independence, Milan Kucan of Slovenia and Franjo Tudjman of Croatia. Baker warned
both that they would get no US recognition and no UYugoslav federation. "We came to Yugoslavia because of our cS economic aid if they seceded from theoncern about the crisis and about the (^)
dangers of a disintegration of this country. The concerns that we came to Yugoslavia with have not
been allayed by the meetings we had today. We think that the situation is very serious," said Baker.
The breakup of Yugoslavia would have "very tragic consequences." Baker added a very ominously:
"We worry, fraconflict of Serbia with Austria-Hungary had detonated a general war and devastated Europe. Bakernkly, about history repeating itself." Baker was talking about Sarajevo and how the (^)
had a special meeting with the Serbian fascist strongman, Slobodan Milosevic, in which Baker
encouraged the Serbian military to suppress any rebellion with military means. The federal army
assaults on Slovenia, and then on Croatia, can be dated from these exchanges, which succeeded in
creating the first war and the first bombing of civilians in central Europe since 1945. Intduring this same time frame by Undersecretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, the Kissingererviews
Associates veteran who had been on the board of the US importer of Yugo automobiles, and on the
board of a Yugoslav bank involved in drug money laundering, left no doubt of US intent: in
Eagleburger's babbling, every other word was "civil war."
US brokerage houses waxed eloquent over how the incipient Yugoslav civil war would prevent
investment in most countries of central Europe, and would ruin the economic hinterland of united
Germany. Yugoslavia had been ravaged by the conditionalities of the IMF during the 1980's, and it
was this regime that Bush was imposing in Poland, and which he wanted to extend to the rest of
eastern Europe and the republics emerging from the USSR.
Gorbachov had been invited to the Group of Seven summit in London as a result of pressure from
the continental Europeans which Bush and Major had been unable to withstand. But all that
Gorbachov could bring home from this meeting was the promise of "technical assistance" from the
IMF, meaning the advice of Jeffrey Sachs of Harvard, an incompetent charlatan who had presided