chief, was to be imbibed by sons of the American republic.
George made some decisive moral choices about himself in these first years away from home. The
institution which guided these choices, and helped shape the peculiar obsessions of the 41st
President, was a pit of Anglophile aristocratic racialism when George Bush came on the scene.
Andover was ... less dedicated to `elitism' than some [schools].... There were even a couple ofblacks in the classes, tokens of course, but this at a time when a black student at almost any other (^) Northeastern prep school would have been unthinkable. ''@s1@s3 Andover had a vaunted tradition, '' intermingled with the proud bloodlines of its students and
alumni, that was supposed to reach back to the school's founding in 1778. Butreveals this tradition '' to be a fraud. It is part of a larger, highly significant historical fallacy a closer examination perpetrated by the Anglo-Americans--and curiously stressed by Bush's agents in foreign countries. Thomas Cochran, a partner of the J.P. Morgan banking firm, donated considerable sums to construct swanky new Andover buildings in the 1920s. Among these were George Washington Halland Paul Revere Hall, named for leaders of the American Revolution against the British Empire. These and similar patriotic '' trappings, with the alumni's old school-affiliated genealogies, might
seem to indicate an unbroken line of racial imperialists like Cochran and his circle, reaching back to
the heroes of the Revolution!
Let us briefly tour Andover's history, and then ponder whether General Washington would want to
be identified with Poppy Bush's school.
Thirty years after Samuel Phillips founded the Academy at Andover, Massachusetts, the quiet little
school became embroiled in a violent controversy. On one side were certain diehard pro-Brifamilies, known as Boston Brahmins, who had prospered in the ship transportation of rum and blacktish (^)
slaves. They had regained power in Boston since their allies had lost the 1775-83 American
Revolution.
In 1805 tHollis chair of Philosophy at Harvard College. The Tories, parading publicly as liberal religionistshese cynical, neo-pagan, Tory '' families succeeded in placing their representative in the called Unitarians, were opposed by American nationalists led by the geographer-historian Rev. Jedidiah Morse (1761-1826). The nationalists rallied the Christian churches of the northeastern states behind a plan to establish, at Andover, a new religious institution which would counter the British spies, atheists and criminals who had taken over Harvard. British Empire political operatives Stephen Higginson, Jr. and John Lowell, Jr. published counterattacks against Rev. Morse, claiming he was trying to rouse the lower classes of citizens to hatred against the wealthy merchant families. Then the Tories played the conservative '' card.
Ultra-orthodox Catheir own religious institution in Tory-domlvinists, actually business partners to the Harvard liberals, threatened to set upinated Newburyport. Their assertion, that Morse was not (^)
conservative enough, split the resources of the region's Christians, until the Morse group reluctantly
brought the Newburyport ultras as partners into the management of the Andover Theological
Seminary in 1808.
The new theological seminary and the adjacent boys' academy were now governed together under a
common board of trustees (balanced between the Morse nationalists and the Newburyport anti-
nationalists, the opposing wings of the old Federalist Party).
Jedidiah Morse made Andover the headquarters of a rather heroic, anti-racist, Christian missionary